The shadows of verdure are always somewhat blue, and so is every
shadow of every object; and they assume this hue more in proportion
as they are remote from the eye, and less in proportion as they are
nearer. The leaves which reflect the blue of the atmosphere always
present themselves to the eye edgewise.

OF THE ILLUMINATED PART OF VERDURE AND OF MOUNTAINS.

The illuminated portion, at a great distance, will appear most
nearly of its natural colour where the strongest light falls upon
it.

438.

OF TREES THAT ARE LIGHTED BY THE SUN AND BY THE ATMOSPHERE.

In trees that are illuminated [both] by the sun and the atmosphere
and that have leaves of a dark colour, one side will be illuminated
by the atmosphere [only] and in consequence of this light will tend
to blueness, while on the other side they will be illuminated by the
atmosphere and the sun; and the side which the eye sees illuminated
by the sun will reflect light.

439.

OF DEPICTING A FOREST SCENE.

The trees and plants which are most thickly branched with slender
branches ought to have less dark shadow than those trees and plants
which, having broader leaves, will cast more shadow.

440.

ON PAINTING.

In the position of the eye which sees that portion of a tree
illuminated which turns towards the light, one tree will never be
seen to be illuminated equally with the other. To prove this, let
the eye be _c_ which sees the two trees _b d_ which are illuminated
by the sun _a_; I say that this eye _c_ will not see the light in
the same proportion to the shade, in one tree as in the other.
Because, the tree which is nearest to the sun will display so much
the stronger shadow than the more distant one, in proportion as one
tree is nearer to the rays of the sun that converge to the eye than
the other; &c.

You see that the eye _c_ sees nothing of the tree _d_ but shadow,
while the same eye _c_ sees the tree _b_ half in light and half in
shade.

When a tree is seen from below, the eye sees the top of it as placed
within the circle made by its boughs[23].

Remember, O Painter! that the variety of depth of shade in any one
particular species of tree is in proportion to the rarity or density
of their branches.

[Footnote: The two lower sketches on the left of Pl XXVIII, No. 3,
refer to lines 21-23. The upper sketch has apparently been effaced
by Leonardo himself.]

The distribution of light and shade with reference to the position
of the spectator (441-443).

441.

The shadows of trees placed in a landscape do not display themselves
in the same position in the trees on the right hand and those on the
left; still more so if the sun is to the right or left. As is proved
by the 4th which says: Opaque bodies placed between the light and
the eye display themselves entirely in shadow; and by the 5th: The
eye when placed between the opaque body and the light sees the
opaque body entirely illuminated. And by the 6th: When the eye and
the opaque body are placed between darkness and light, it will be
seen half in shadow and half in light.

[Footnote: See the figure on the right hand side of Pl. XXVIII, No.
3. The first five lines of the text are written below the diagram
and above it are the last eight lines of the text, given as No.
461.]

442.

OF THE HERBS OF THE FIELD.

Of the plants which take a shadow from the plants which spring among
them, those which are on this side [in front] of the shadow have the
stems lighted up on a background of shadow, and the plants on which
the shadows fall have their stems dark on a light background; that
is on the background beyond the shadow.

OF TREES WHICH ARE BETWEEN THE EYE AND THE LIGHT.

Of the trees which are between the eye and the light the part in
front will be light; but this light will be broken by the
ramifications of transparent leaves--being seen from the under
side--and lustrous leaves--being seen from the upper side; and the
background below and behind will be dark green, being in shadow from
the front portion of the said tree. This occurs in trees placed
above the eye.

443.

FROM WHENCE TO DEPICT A LANDSCAPE

Landscapes should be represented so that the trees may be half in
light and half in shadow; but it is better to do them when the sun
is covered with clouds, for then the trees are lighted by the
general light of the sky, and the general darkness of the earth. And
then they are darkest in certain parts in proportion as those parts
are nearest to the middle of the tree and to the earth.

The effects of morning light (444-448).

444.

OF TREES TO THE SOUTH.

When the sun is in the east the trees to the South and to the North
have almost as much light as shadow. But a greater share of light in
proportion as they lie to the West and a greater share of shadow in
proportion as they lie to the East.

OF MEADOWS.

If the sun is in the East the verdure of the meadows and of other
small plants is of a most beautiful green from being transparent to
the sun; this does not occur in the meadows to the West, and in
those to the South and North the grass is of a moderately brilliant
green.

445.

OF THE 4 POINTS OF THE COMPASS [IN LANDSCAPES].

When the sun is in the East all the portions of plants lighted by it
are of a most lively verdure, and this happens because the leaves
lighted by the sun within the half of the horizon that is the
Eastern half, are transparent; and within the Western semicircle the
verdure is of a dull hue and the moist air is turbid and of the
colour of grey ashes, not being transparent like that in the East,
which is quite clear and all the more so in proportion as it is
moister.

The shadows of the trees to the East cover a large portion of them
and are darker in proportion as the foliage of the trees is thicker.

446.

OF TREES IN THE EAST.

When the sun is in the East the trees seen towards the East will
have the light which surrounds them all round their shadows,
excepting on the side towards the earth; unless the tree has been
pruned [below] in the past year. And the trees to the South and
North will be half in shade and half in light, and more or less in
shade or in light in proportion as they are more or less to the East
or to the West.

The [position of] the eye above or below varies the shadows and
lights in trees, inasmuch as the eye placed above sees the tree with
the little shadow, and the eye placed below with a great deal of
shadow.

The colour of the green in plants varies as much as their species.

447.

OF THE SHADOWS IN TREES.

The sun being in the East [to the right], the trees to the West [or
left] of the eye will show in small relief and almost imperceptible
gradations, because the atmosphere which lies between the eye and
those trees is very dense [Footnote 7: _per la 7a di questo_. This
possibly referred to something written on the seventh page of this
note book marked _G_. Unfortunately it has been cut out and lost.],
see the 7th of this--and they have no shade; for though a shadow
exists in every detail of the ramification, it results that the
images of the shade and light that reach the eye are confused and
mingled together and cannot be perceived on account of their
minuteness. And the principal lights are in the middle of the trees,
and the shadows to wards the edges; and their separation is shown by
the shadows of the intervals between the trees; but when the forests
are thick with trees the thin edges are but little seen.

448.

OF TREES TO THE EAST.

When the sun is in the East the trees are darker towards the middle
while their edges are light.

The effects of midday light.

449.

OBJECTS IN HIGH LIGHT SHOW BUT LITTLE, BUT BETWEEN LIGHT AND SHADOW
THEY STAND OUT WELL.

To represent a landscape choose that the sun shall be at noon and
look towards the West or East and then draw. And if you turn towards
the North, every object placed on that side will have no shadow,
particularly those which are nearest to the [direction of the]
shadow of your head. And if you turn towards the South every object
on that side will be wholly in shadow. All the trees which are
towards the sun and have the atmosphere for their background are
dark, and the other trees which lie against that darkness will be
black [very dark] in the middle and lighter towards the edges.

The appearance of trees in the distance (450. 451).

450.

OF THE SPACES [SHOWING THE SKY] IN TREES THEMSELVES.

The spaces between the parts in the mass of trees, and the spaces
between the trees in the air, are, at great distances, invisible to
the eye; for, where it is an effort [even] to see the whole it is
most difficult to discern the parts.--But a confused mixture is the
result, partaking chiefly of the [hue] which predominates. The
spaces between the leaves consist of particles of illuminated air
which are very much smaller than the tree and are lost sight of
sooner than the tree; but it does not therefore follow that they are
not there. Hence, necessarily, a compounded [effect] is produced of
the sky and of the shadows of the tree in shade, which both together
strike the eye which sees them.

OF TREES WHICH CONCEAL THESE SPACES IN ONE ANOTHER.

That part of a tree will show the fewest spaces, behind which a
large number of trees are standing between the tree and the air
[sky]; thus in the tree _a_ the spaces are not concealed nor in _b_,
as there is no tree behind. But in _c_ only half shows the spaces
filled up by the tree _d_, and part of the tree _d_ is filled up by
the tree _e_ and a little farther on all the spaces in the mass of
the trees are lost, and only that at the side remains.

451.

OF TREES.

What outlines are seen in trees at a distance against the sky which
serves as their background?

The outlines of the ramification of trees, where they lie against
the illuminated sky, display a form which more nearly approaches the
spherical on proportion as they are remote, and the nearer they are
the less they appear in this spherical form; as in the first tree
_a_ which, being near to the eye, displays the true form of its
ramification; but this shows less in _b_ and is altogether lost in
_c_, where not merely the branches of the tree cannot be seen but
the whole tree is distinguished with difficulty. Every object in
shadow, of whatever form it may be, at a great distance appears to
be spherical. And this occurs because, if it is a square body, at a
very short distance it loses its angles, and a little farther off it
loses still more of its smaller sides which remain. And thus before
the whole is lost [to sight] the parts are lost, being smaller than
the whole; as a man, who in such a distant position loses his legs,
arms and head before [the mass of] his body, then the outlines of
length are lost before those of breadth, and where they have become
equal it would be a square if the angles remained; but as they are
lost it is round.

[Footnote: The sketch No. 4, Pl. XXVIII, belongs to this passage.]

The cast shadow of trees (452. 453).

452.

The image of the shadow of any object of uniform breadth can never
be [exactly] the same as that of the body which casts it.

[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 5.]

Light and shade on groups of trees (453-457).

453.

All trees seen against the sun are dark towards the middle and this
shadow will be of the shape of the tree when apart from others.

The shadows cast by trees on which the sun shines are as dark as
those of the middle of the tree.

The shadow cast by a tree is never less than the mass of the tree
but becomes taller in proportion as the spot on which it falls,
slopes towards the centre of the world.

The shadow will be densest in the middle of the tree when the tree
has the fewest branches.

[Footnote: The three diagrams which accompany this text are placed,
in the original, before lines 7-11. At the spots marked _B_ Leonardo
wrote _Albero_ (tree). At _A_ is the word _Sole_ (sun), at _C Monte_
(mountain) at _D piano_ (plain) and at _E cima_ (summit).]

Every branch participates of the central shadow of every other
branch and consequently [of that] of the whole tree.

The form of any shadow from a branch or tree is circumscribed by the
light which falls from the side whence the light comes; and this
illumination gives the shape of the shadow, and this may be of the
distance of a mile from the side where the sun is.

If it happens that a cloud should anywhere overshadow some part of a
hill the [shadow of the] trees there will change less than in the
plains; for these trees on the hills have their branches thicker,
because they grow less high each year than in the plains. Therefore
as these branches are dark by nature and being so full of shade, the
shadow of the clouds cannot darken them any more; but the open
spaces between the trees, which have no strong shadow change very
much in tone and particularly those which vary from green; that is
ploughed lands or fallen mountains or barren lands or rocks. Where
the trees are against the atmosphere they appear all the same
colour--if indeed they are not very close together or very thickly
covered with leaves like the fir and similar trees. When you see the
trees from the side from which the sun lights them, you will see
them almost all of the same tone, and the shadows in them will be
hidden by the leaves in the light, which come between your eye and
those shadows.

TREES AT A SHORT DISTANCE.

[Footnote 29: The heading _alberi vicini_ (trees at a short
distance) is in the original manuscript written in the margin.] When
the trees are situated between the sun and the eye, beyond the
shadow which spreads from their centre, the green of their leaves
will be seen transparent; but this transparency will be broken in
many places by the leaves and boughs in shadow which will come
between you and them, or, in their upper portions, they will be
accompanied by many lights reflected from the leaves.

454.

The trees of the landscape stand out but little from each other;
because their illuminated portions come against the illuminated
portions of those beyond and differ little from them in light and
shade.

455.

Of trees seen from below and against the light, one beyond the other
and near together. The topmost part of the first will be in great
part transparent and light, and will stand out against the dark
portion of the second tree. And thus it will be with all in
succession that are placed under the same conditions.

Let _s_ be the light, and _r_ the eye, _c d n_ the first tree, _a b
c_ the second. Then I say that _r_, the eye, will see the portion _c
f_ in great part transparent and lighted by the light _s_ which
falls upon it from the opposite side, and it will see it, on a dark
ground _b c_ because that is the dark part and shadow of the tree _a
b c_.

But if the eye is placed at _t_ it will see _o p_ dark on the light
background _n g_.

Of the transparent and shadowy parts of trees, that which is nearest
to you is the darkest.

456.

That part of a tree which has shadow for background, is all of one
tone, and wherever the trees or branches are thickest they will be
darkest, because there are no little intervals of air. But where the
boughs lie against a background of other boughs, the brighter parts
are seen lightest and the leaves lustrous from the sunlight falling
on them.

457.

In the composition of leafy trees be careful not to repeat too often
the same colour of one tree against the same colour of another
[behind it]; but vary it with a lighter, or a darker, or a stronger
green.

On the treatment of light for landscapes (458-464).

458.

The landscape has a finer azure [tone] when, in fine weather the sun
is at noon than at any other time of the day, because the air is
purified of moisture; and looking at it under that aspect you will
see the trees of a beautiful green at the outside and the shadows
dark towards the middle; and in the remoter distance the atmosphere
which comes between you and them looks more beautiful when there is
something dark beyond. And still the azure is most beautiful. The
objects seen from the side on which the sun shines will not show you
their shadows. But, if you are lower than the sun, you can see what
is not seen by the sun and that will be all in shade. The leaves of
the trees, which come between you and the sun are of two principal
colours which are a splendid lustre of green, and the reflection of
the atmosphere which lights up the objects which cannot be seen by
the sun, and the shaded portions which only face the earth, and the
darkest which are surrounded by something that is not dark. The
trees in the landscape which are between you and the sun are far
more beautiful than those you see when you are between the sun and
them; and this is so because those which face the sun show their
leaves as transparent towards the ends of their branches, and those
that are not transparent--that is at the ends--reflect the light;
and the shadows are dark because they are not concealed by any
thing.

The trees, when you place yourself between them and the sun, will
only display to you their light and natural colour, which, in
itself, is not very strong, and besides this some reflected lights
which, being against a background which does not differ very much
from themselves in tone, are not conspicuous; and if you are lower
down than they are situated, they may also show those portions on
which the light of the sun does not fall and these will be dark.

In the Wind.

But, if you are on the side whence the wind blows, you will see the
trees look very much lighter than on the other sides, and this
happens because the wind turns up the under side of the leaves,
which, in all trees, is much whiter than the upper sides; and, more
especially, will they be very light indeed if the wind blows from
the quarter where the sun is, and if you have your back turned to
it.

[Footnote: At _S_, in the original is the word _Sole_ (sun) and at
_N parte di nuvolo_ (the side of the clouds).]

459.

When the sun is covered by clouds, objects are less conspicuous,
because there is little difference between the light and shade of
the trees and of the buildings being illuminated by the brightness
of the atmosphere which surrounds the objects in such a way that the
shadows are few, and these few fade away so that their outline is
lost in haze.

460.

OF TREES AND LIGHTS ON THEM.

The best method of practice in representing country scenes, or I
should say landscapes with their trees, is to choose them so that
the sun is covered with clouds so that the landscape receives an
universal light and not the direct light of the sun, which makes the
shadows sharp and too strongly different from the lights.

461.

OF PAINTING.

In landscapes which represent [a scene in] winter. The mountains
should not be shown blue, as we see in the mountains in the summer.
And this is proved [Footnote 5. 6.: _Per la_ 4_a di questo_. It is
impossible to ascertain what this quotation refers to. _Questo_
certainly does not mean the MS. in hand, nor any other now known to
us. The same remark applies to the phrase in line 15: _per la_ 2_a
di questo_.] in the 4th of this which says: Among mountains seen
from a great distance those will look of the bluest colour which are
in themselves the darkest; hence, when the trees are stripped of
their leaves, they will show a bluer tinge which will be in itself
darker; therefore, when the trees have lost their leaves they will
look of a gray colour, while, with their leaves, they are green, and
in proportion as the green is darker than the grey hue the green
will be of a bluer tinge than the gray. Also by the 2nd of this: The
shadows of trees covered with leaves are darker than the shadows of
those trees which have lost their leaves in proportion as the trees
covered with leaves are denser than those without leaves--and thus
my meaning is proved.

The definition of the blue colour of the atmosphere explains why the
landscape is bluer in the summer than in the winter.

462.

OF PAINTING IN A LANDSCAPE.

If the slope of a hill comes between the eye and the horizon,
sloping towards the eye, while the eye is opposite the middle of the
height of this slope, then that hill will increase in darkness
throughout its length. This is proved by the 7th of this which says
that a tree looks darkest when it is seen from below; the
proposition is verified, since this hill will, on its upper half
show all its trees as much from the side which is lighted by the
light of the sky, as from that which is in shade from the darkness
of the earth; whence it must result that these trees are of a medium
darkness. And from this [middle] spot towards the base of the hill,
these trees will be lighter by degrees by the converse of the 7th
and by the said 7th: For trees so placed, the nearer they are to the
summit of the hill the darker they necessarily become. But this
darkness is not in proportion to the distance, by the 8th of this
which says: That object shows darkest which is [seen] in the
clearest atmosphere; and by the 10th: That shows darkest which
stands out against a lighter background.

[Footnote: The quotation in this passage again cannot be verified.]

463.

OF LANDSCAPES.

The colours of the shadows in mountains at a great distance take a
most lovely blue, much purer than their illuminated portions. And
from this it follows that when the rock of a mountain is reddish the
illuminated portions are violet (?) and the more they are lighted
the more they display their proper colour.

464.

A place is most luminous when it is most remote from mountains.

On the treatment of light for views of towns (465-469).

465.

OF LIGHT AND SHADOW IN A TOWN.

When the sun is in the East and the eye is above the centre of a
town, the eye will see the Southern part of the town with its roofs
half in shade and half in light, and the same towards the North; the
Eastern side will be all in shadow and the Western will be all in
light.

466.

Of the houses of a town, in which the divisions between the houses
may be distinguished by the light which fall on the mist at the
bottom. If the eye is above the houses the light seen in the space
that is between one house and the next sinks by degrees into thicker
mist; and yet, being less transparent, it appears whiter; and if the
houses are some higher than the others, since the true [colour] is
always more discernible through the thinner atmosphere, the houses
will look darker in proportion as they are higher up. Let _n o p q_
represent the various density of the atmosphere thick with moisture,
_a_ being the eye, the house _b c_ will look lightest at the bottom,
because it is in a thicker atmosphere; the lines _c d f_ will appear
equally light, for although _f_ is more distant than _c_, it is
raised into a thinner atmosphere, if the houses _b e_ are of the
same height, because they cross a brightness which is varied by
mist, but this is only because the line of the eye which starts from
above ends by piercing a lower and denser atmosphere at _d_ than at
_b_. Thus the line a _f_ is lower at _f_ than at _c_; and the house
_f_ will be seen darker at _e_ from the line _e k_ as far as _m_,
than the tops of the houses standing in front of it.

467.

OF TOWNS OR OTHER BUILDINGS SEEN IN THE EVENING OR THE MORNING
THROUGH THE MIST.

Of buildings seen at a great distance in the evening or the morning,
as in mist or dense atmosphere, only those portions are seen in
brightness which are lighted up by the sun which is near the
horizon; and those portions which are not lighted up by the sun
remain almost of the same colour and medium tone as the mist.

WHY OBJECTS WHICH ARE HIGH UP AND AT A DISTANCE ARE DARKER THAN THE
LOWER ONES, EVEN IF THE MIST IS UNIFORMLY DENSE.

Of objects standing in a mist or other dense atmosphere, whether
from vapour or smoke or distance, those will be most visible which
are the highest. And among objects of equal height that will be the
darkest [strongest] which has for background the deepest mist. Thus
the eye _h_ looking at _a b c_, towers of equal height, one with
another, sees _c_ the top of the first tower at _r_, at two degrees
of depth in the mist; and sees the height of the middle tower _b_
through one single degree of mist. Therefore the top of the tower
_c_ appears stronger than the top of the tower _b_, &c.

468.

OF THE SMOKE OF A TOWN.

Smoke is seen better and more distinctly on the Eastern side than on
the Western when the sun is in the East; and this arises from two
causes; the first is that the sun, with its rays, shines through the
particles of the smoke and lights them up and makes them visible.
The second is that the roofs of the houses seen in the East at this
time are in shadow, because their obliquity does not allow of their
being illuminated by the sun. And the same thing occurs with dust;
and both one and the other look the lighter in proportion as they
are denser, and they are densest towards the middle.

469.

OF SMOKE AND DUST.

If the sun is in the East the smoke of cities will not be visible in
the West, because on that side it is not seen penetrated by the
solar rays, nor on a dark background; since the roofs of the houses
turn the same side to the eye as they turn towards the sun, and on
this light background the smoke is not very visible.

But dust, under the same aspect, will look darker than smoke being
of denser material than smoke which is moist.

The effect of wind on trees (470-473).

470.

OF REPRESENTING WIND.

In representing wind, besides the bending of the boughs and the
reversing of their leaves towards the quarter whence the wind comes,
you should also represent them amid clouds of fine dust mingled with
the troubled air.

471.

Describe landscapes with the wind, and the water, and the setting
and rising of the sun.

THE WIND.

All the leaves which hung towards the earth by the bending of the
shoots with their branches, are turned up side down by the gusts of
wind, and here their perspective is reversed; for, if the tree is
between you and the quarter of the wind, the leaves which are
towards you remain in their natural aspect, while those on the
opposite side which ought to have their points in a contrary
direction have, by being turned over, their points turned towards
you.

472.

Trees struck by the force of the wind bend to the side towards which
the wind is blowing; and the wind being past they bend in the
contrary direction, that is in reverse motion.

473.

That portion of a tree which is farthest from the force which
strikes it is the most injured by the blow because it bears most
strain; thus nature has foreseen this case by thickening them in
that part where they can be most hurt; and most in such trees as
grow to great heights, as pines and the like. [Footnote: Compare the
sketch drawn with a pen and washed with Indian ink on Pl. XL, No. 1.
In the Vatican copy we find, under a section entitled '_del fumo_',
the following remark: _Era sotto di questo capitulo un rompimento di
montagna, per dentro delle quali roture scherzaua fiame di fuoco,
disegnate di penna et ombrate d'acquarella, da uedere cosa mirabile
et uiua (Ed. MANZI, p. 235. Ed. LUDWIG, Vol. I, 460). This appears
to refer to the left hand portion of the drawing here given from the
Windsor collection, and from this it must be inferred, that the leaf
as it now exists in the library of the Queen of England, was already
separated from the original MS. at the time when the Vatican copy
was made.]

Light and shade on clouds (474-477).

474.

Describe how the clouds are formed and how they dissolve, and what
cause raises vapour.

475.

The shadows in clouds are lighter in proportion as they are nearer
to the horizon.

[Footnote: The drawing belonging to this was in black chalk and is
totally effaced.]

476.

When clouds come between the sun and the eye all the upper edges of
their round forms are light, and towards the middle they are dark,
and this happens because towards the top these edges have the sun
above them while you are below them; and the same thing happens with
the position of the branches of trees; and again the clouds, like
the trees, being somewhat transparent, are lighted up in part, and
at the edges they show thinner.

But, when the eye is between the cloud and the sun, the cloud has
the contrary effect to the former, for the edges of its mass are
dark and it is light towards the middle; and this happens because
you see the same side as faces the sun, and because the edges have
some transparency and reveal to the eye that portion which is hidden
beyond them, and which, as it does not catch the sunlight like that
portion turned towards it, is necessarily somewhat darker. Again, it
may be that you see the details of these rounded masses from the
lower side, while the sun shines on the upper side and as they are
not so situated as to reflect the light of the sun, as in the first
instance they remain dark.

The black clouds which are often seen higher up than those which are
illuminated by the sun are shaded by other clouds, lying between
them and the sun.

Again, the rounded forms of the clouds that face the sun, show their
edges dark because they lie against the light background; and to see
that this is true, you may look at the top of any cloud that is
wholly light because it lies against the blue of the atmosphere,
which is darker than the cloud.

[Footnote: A drawing in red chalk from the Windsor collection (see
Pl. XXIX), representing a landscape with storm-clouds, may serve to
illustrate this section as well as the following one.]

477.

OF CLOUDS, SMOKE AND DUST AND THE FLAMES OF A FURNACE OR OF A
BURNING KILN.

The clouds do not show their rounded forms excepting on the sides
which face the sun; on the others the roundness is imperceptible
because they are in the shade. [Footnote: The text of this chapter
is given in facsimile on Pls. XXXVI and XXXVII. The two halves of
the leaf form but one in the original. On the margin close to lines
4 and 5 is the note: _rossore d'aria inverso l'orizonte_--(of the
redness of the atmosphere near the horizon). The sketches on the
lower portion of the page will be spoken of in No. 668.]

If the sun is in the East and the clouds in the West, the eye placed
between the sun and the clouds sees the edges of the rounded forms
composing these clouds as dark, and the portions which are
surrounded by this dark [edge] are light. And this occurs because
the edges of the rounded forms of these clouds are turned towards
the upper or lateral sky, which is reflected in them.

Both the cloud and the tree display no roundness at all on their
shaded side.

On images reflected in water.

478.

Painters often deceive themselves, by representing water in which
they make the water reflect the objects seen by the man. But the
water reflects the object from one side and the man sees it from the
other; and it often happens that the painter sees an object from
below, and thus one and the same object is seen from hind part
before and upside down, because the water shows the image of the
object in one way, and the eye sees it in another.

Of rainbows and rain (479. 480).

479.

The colours in the middle of the rainbow mingle together.

The bow in itself is not in the rain nor in the eye that sees it;
though it is generated by the rain, the sun, and the eye. The
rainbow is always seen by the eye that is between the rain and the
body of the sun; hence if the sun is in the East and the rain is in
the West it will appear on the rain in the West.

480.

When the air is condensed into rain it would produce a vacuum if the
rest of the air did not prevent this by filling its place, as it
does with a violent rush; and this is the wind which rises in the
summer time, accompanied by heavy rain.

Of flower seeds.

481.

All the flowers which turn towards the sun perfect their seeds; but
not the others; that is to say those which get only the reflection
of the sun.

IX.

_The Practice of Painting._

_It is hardly necessary to offer any excuses for the division
carried out in the arrangement of the text into practical
suggestions and theoretical enquiries. It was evidently intended by
Leonardo himself as we conclude from incidental remarks in the MSS.
(for instance No_ 110_). The fact that this arrangement was never
carried out either in the old MS. copies or in any edition since, is
easily accounted for by the general disorder which results from the
provisional distribution of the various chapters in the old copies.
We have every reason to believe that the earliest copyists, in
distributing the materials collected by them, did not in the least
consider the order in which the original MS.lay before them._

_It is evident that almost all the chapters which refer to the
calling and life of the painter--and which are here brought together
in the first section (Nos._ 482-508_)--may be referred to two
distinct periods in Leonardo's life; most of them can be dated as
belonging to the year_ 1492 _or to_ 1515. _At about this later time
Leonardo may have formed the project of completing his Libro della
Pittura, after an interval of some years, as it would seem, during
which his interest in the subject had fallen somewhat into the
background._

_In the second section, which treats first of the artist's studio,
the construction of a suitable window forms the object of careful
investigations; the special importance attached to this by Leonardo
is sufficiently obvious. His theory of the incidence of light which
was fully discussed in a former part of this work, was to him by no
means of mere abstract value, but, being deduced, as he says, from
experience (or experiment) was required to prove its utility in
practice. Connected with this we find suggestions for the choice of
a light with practical hints as to sketching a picture and some
other precepts of a practical character which must come under
consideration in the course of completing the painting. In all this
I have followed the same principle of arrangement in the text as was
carried out in the Theory of Painting, thus the suggestions for the
Perspective of a picture, (Nos._ 536-569_), are followed by the
theory of light and shade for the practical method of optics (Nos._
548--566_) and this by the practical precepts or the treatment of
aerial perspective (_567--570_)._

_In the passage on Portrait and Figure Painting the principles of
painting as applied to a bust and head are separated and placed
first, since the advice to figure painters must have some connection
with the principles of the treatment of composition by which they
are followed._

_But this arrangement of the text made it seem advisable not to pick
out the practical precepts as to the representation of trees and
landscape from the close connection in which they were originally
placed--unlike the rest of the practical precepts--with the theory
of this branch of the subject. They must therefore be sought under
the section entitled Botany for Painters._

_As a supplement to the_ Libro di Pittura _I have here added those
texts which treat of the Painter's materials,--as chalk, drawing
paper, colours and their preparation, of the management of oils and
varnishes; in the appendix are some notes on chemical substances.
Possibly some of these, if not all, may have stood in connection
with the preparation of colours. It is in the very nature of things
that Leonardo's incidental indications as to colours and the like
should be now-a-days extremely obscure and could only be explained
by professional experts--by them even in but few instances. It might
therefore have seemed advisable to reproduce exactly the original
text without offering any translation. The rendering here given is
merely an attempt to suggest what Leonardo's meaning may have been._

_LOMAZZO tells us in his_ Trattato dell'arte della Pittura, Scultura
ed Architettura (Milano 1584, libro II, Cap. XIV): "Va discorrendo
ed argomentando Leonardo Vinci in un suo libro letto da me (?)
questi anni passati, ch'egli scrisse di mano stanca ai prieghi di
LUDOVICO SFORZA duca di Milano, in determinazione di questa
questione, se e piu nobile la pittura o la scultura; dicendo che
quanto piu un'arte porta seco fatica di corpo, e sudore, tanto piu e
vile, e men pregiata". _But the existence of any book specially
written for Lodovico il Moro on the superiority of Painting over
sculpture is perhaps mythical. The various passages in praise of
Painting as compared not merely with Sculpture but with Poetry, are
scattered among MSS. of very different dates._

_Besides, the way, in which the subject is discussed appears not to
support the supposition, that these texts were prepared at a special
request of the Duke._

I.

MORAL PRECEPTS FOR THE STUDENT OF PAINTING.

How to ascertain the dispositions for an artistic career.

482.

A WARNING CONCERNING YOUTHS WISHING TO BE PAINTERS.

Many are they who have a taste and love for drawing, but no talent;
and this will be discernible in boys who are not diligent and never
finish their drawings with shading.

The course of instruction for an artist (483-485).

483.

The youth should first learn perspective, then the proportions of
objects. Then he may copy from some good master, to accustom himself
to fine forms. Then from nature, to confirm by practice the rules he
has learnt. Then see for a time the works of various masters. Then
get the habit of putting his art into practice and work.

[Footnote: The Vatican copy and numerous abridgements all place this
chapter at the beginning of the _Trattato_, and in consequence
DUFRESNE and all subsequent editors have done the same. In the
Vatican copy however all the general considerations on the relation
of painting to the other arts are placed first, as introductory.]

484.

OF THE ORDER OF LEARNING TO DRAW.

First draw from drawings by good masters done from works of art and
from nature, and not from memory; then from plastic work, with the
guidance of the drawing done from it; and then from good natural
models and this you must put into practice.

485.

PRECEPTS FOR DRAWING.

The artist ought first to exercise his hand by copying drawings from
the hand of a good master. And having acquired that practice, under
the criticism of his master, he should next practise drawing objects
in relief of a good style, following the rules which will presently
be given.

The study of the antique (486. 487).

486.

OF DRAWING.

Which is best, to draw from nature or from the antique? and which is
more difficult to do outlines or light and shade?

487.

It is better to imitate [copy] the antique than modern work.

[Footnote 486, 487: These are the only two passages in which
Leonardo alludes to the importance of antique art in the training of
an artist. The question asked in No. 486 remains unanswered by him
and it seems to me very doubtful whether the opinion stated in No.
487 is to be regarded as a reply to it. This opinion stands in the
MS. in a connection--as will be explained later on--which seems to
require us to limit its application to a single special case. At any
rate we may suspect that when Leonardo put the question, he felt
some hesitation as to the answer. Among his very numerous drawings I
have not been able to find a single study from the antique, though a
drawing in black chalk, at Windsor, of a man on horseback (PI.
LXXIII) may perhaps be a reminiscence of the statue of Marcus
Aurelius at Rome. It seems to me that the drapery in a pen and ink
drawing of a bust, also at Windsor, has been borrowed from an
antique model (Pl. XXX). G. G. Rossi has, I believe, correctly
interpreted Leonardo's feeling towards the antique in the following
note on this passage in manzi's edition, p. 501: "Sappiamo dalla
storia, che i valorosi artisti Toscani dell'eta dell'oro dell'arte
studiarono sugli antichi marmi raccolti dal Magnifico LORENZO DE'
MEDICI. Pare che il Vinci a tali monumenti non si accostasse. Quest'
uomo sempre riconosce per maestra la natura, e questo principio lo
stringeva alla sola imitazione di essa"--Compare No. 10, 26--28
footnote.]

The necessity of anatomical knowledge (488. 489).

488.

OF PAINTING.

It is indispensable to a Painter who would be thoroughly familiar
with the limbs in all the positions and actions of which they are
capable, in the nude, to know the anatomy of the sinews, bones,
muscles and tendons so that, in their various movements and
exertions, he may know which nerve or muscle is the cause of each
movement and show those only as prominent and thickened, and not the
others all over [the limb], as many do who, to seem great
draughtsmen, draw their nude figures looking like wood, devoid of
grace; so that you would think you were looking at a sack of walnuts
rather than the human form, or a bundle of radishes rather than the
muscles of figures.

489.

HOW IT IS NECESSARY TO A PAINTER THAT HE SHOULD KNOW THE INTRINSIC
FORMS [STRUCTURE] OF MAN.

The painter who is familiar with the nature of the sinews, muscles,
and tendons, will know very well, in giving movement to a limb, how
many and which sinews cause it; and which muscle, by swelling,
causes the contraction of that sinew; and which sinews, expanded
into the thinnest cartilage, surround and support the said muscle.
Thus he will variously and constantly demonstrate the different
muscles by means of the various attitudes of his figures, and will
not do, as many who, in a variety of movements, still display the
very same things [modelling] in the arms, back, breast and legs. And
these things are not to be regarded as minor faults.

How to acquire practice.

490.

OF STUDY AND THE ORDER OF STUDY.

I say that first you ought to learn the limbs and their mechanism,
and having this knowledge, their actions should come next, according
to the circumstances in which they occur in man. And thirdly to
compose subjects, the studies for which should be taken from natural
actions and made from time to time, as circumstances allow; and pay
attention to them in the streets and _piazze_ and fields, and note
them down with a brief indication of the forms; [Footnote 5: Lines
5-7 explained by the lower portion of the sketch No. 1 on Pl. XXXI.]
thus for a head make an o, and for an arm a straight or a bent line,
and the same for the legs and the body, [Footnote 7: Lines 5-7
explained by the lower portion of the sketch No. 1 on Pl. XXXI.] and
when you return home work out these notes in a complete form. The
Adversary says that to acquire practice and do a great deal of work
it is better that the first period of study should be employed in
drawing various compositions done on paper or on walls by divers
masters, and that in this way practice is rapidly gained, and good
methods; to which I reply that the method will be good, if it is
based on works of good composition and by skilled masters. But since
such masters are so rare that there are but few of them to be found,
it is a surer way to go to natural objects, than to those which are
imitated from nature with great deterioration, and so form bad
methods; for he who can go to the fountain does not go to the
water-jar.

[Footnote: This passage has been published by Dr. M. JORDAN, _Das
Malerbuck des L. da Vinci_, p. 89; his reading however varies
slightly from mine.]

Industry and thoroughness the first conditions (491-493.)

491.

WHAT RULES SHOULD BE GIVEN TO BOYS LEARNING TO PAINT.

We know for certain that sight is one of the most rapid actions we
can perform. In an instant we see an infinite number of forms, still
we only take in thoroughly one object at a time. Supposing that you,
Reader, were to glance rapidly at the whole of this written page,
you would instantly perceive that it was covered with various
letters; but you could not, in the time, recognise what the letters
were, nor what they were meant to tell. Hence you would need to see
them word by word, line by line to be able to understand the
letters. Again, if you wish to go to the top of a building you must
go up step by step; otherwise it will be impossible that you should
reach the top. Thus I say to you, whom nature prompts to pursue this
art, if you wish to have a sound knowledge of the forms of objects
begin with the details of them, and do not go on to the second
[step] till you have the first well fixed in memory and in practice.
And if you do otherwise you will throw away your time, or certainly
greatly prolong your studies. And remember to acquire diligence
rather than rapidity.

492.

HOW THAT DILIGENCE [ACCURACY] SHOULD FIRST BE LEARNT RATHER THAN
RAPID EXECUTION.

If you, who draw, desire to study well and to good purpose, always
go slowly to work in your drawing; and discriminate in. the lights,
which have the highest degree of brightness, and to what extent and
likewise in the shadows, which are those that are darker than the
others and in what way they intermingle; then their masses and the
relative proportions of one to the other. And note in their
outlines, which way they tend; and which part of the lines is curved
to one side or the other, and where they are more or less
conspicuous and consequently broad or fine; and finally, that your
light and shade blend without strokes and borders [but] looking like
smoke. And when you have thus schooled your hand and your judgment
by such diligence, you will acquire rapidity before you are aware.

The artist's private life and choice of company (493-494).

493.

OF THE LIFE OF THE PAINTER IN THE COUNTRY.

A painter needs such mathematics as belong to painting. And the
absence of all companions who are alienated from his studies; his
brain must be easily impressed by the variety of objects, which
successively come before him, and also free from other cares
[Footnote 6: Leonardo here seems to be speaking of his own method of
work as displayed in his MSS. and this passage explains, at least in
part, the peculiarities in their arrangement.]. And if, when
considering and defining one subject, a second subject
intervenes--as happens when an object occupies the mind, then he
must decide which of these cases is the more difficult to work out,
and follow that up until it becomes quite clear, and then work out
the explanation of the other [Footnote 11: Leonardo here seems to be
speaking of his own method of work as displayed in his MSS. and this
passage explains, at least in part, the peculiarities in their
arrangement.]. And above all he must keep his mind as clear as the
surface of a mirror, which assumes colours as various as those of
the different objects. And his companions should be like him as to
their studies, and if such cannot be found he should keep his
speculations to himself alone, so that at last he will find no more
useful company [than his own].

[Footnote: In the title line Leonardo had originally written _del
pictore filosofo_ (the philosophical painter), but he himself struck
out_filosofo_. Compare in No. 363 _pictora notomista_ (anatomical
painter). The original text is partly reproduced on Pl. CI.]

494.

OF THE LIFE OF THE PAINTER IN HIS STUDIO.

To the end that well-being of the body may not injure that of the
mind, the painter or draughtsman must remain solitary, and
particularly when intent on those studies and reflections which will
constantly rise up before his eye, giving materials to be well
stored in the memory. While you are alone you are entirely your own
[master] and if you have one companion you are but half your own,
and the less so in proportion to the indiscretion of his behaviour.
And if you have many companions you will fall deeper into the same
trouble. If you should say: "I will go my own way and withdraw
apart, the better to study the forms of natural objects", I tell
you, you will not be able to help often listening to their chatter.
And so, since one cannot serve two masters, you will badly fill the
part of a companion, and carry out your studies of art even worse.
And if you say: "I will withdraw so far that their words cannot
reach me and they cannot disturb me", I can tell you that you will
be thought mad. But, you see, you will at any rate be alone. And if
you must have companions ship find it in your studio. This may
assist you to have the advantages which arise from various
speculations. All other company may be highly mischievous.

The distribution of time for studying (495-497).

495.

OF WHETHER IT IS BETTER TO DRAW WITH COMPANIONS OR NOT.

I say and insist that drawing in company is much better than alone,
for many reasons. The first is that you would be ashamed to be seen
behindhand among the students, and such shame will lead you to
careful study. Secondly, a wholesome emulation will stimulate you to
be among those who are more praised than yourself, and this praise
of others will spur you on. Another is that you can learn from the
drawings of others who do better than yourself; and if you are
better than they, you can profit by your contempt for their defects,
while the praise of others will incite you to farther merits.

[Footnote: The contradiction by this passage of the foregoing
chapter is only apparent. It is quite clear, from the nature of the
reasoning which is here used to prove that it is more improving to
work with others than to work alone, that the studies of pupils only
are under consideration here.]

496.

OF STUDYING, IN THE DARK, WHEN YOU WAKE, OR IN BED BEFORE YOU GO TO
SLEEP.

I myself have proved it to be of no small use, when in bed in the
dark, to recall in fancy the external details of forms previously
studied, or other noteworthy things conceived by subtle speculation;
and this is certainly an admirable exercise, and useful for
impressing things on the memory.

497.

OF THE TIME FOR STUDYING SELECTION OF SUBJECTS.

Winter evenings ought to be employed by young students in looking
over the things prepared during the summer; that is, all the
drawings from the nude done in the summer should be brought together
and a choice made of the best [studies of] limbs and bodies among
them, to apply in practice and commit to memory.

OF POSITIONS.

After this in the following summer you should select some one who is
well grown and who has not been brought up in doublets, and so may
not be of stiff carriage, and make him go through a number of agile
and graceful actions; and if his muscles do not show plainly within
the outlines of his limbs that does not matter at all. It is enough
that you can see good attitudes and you can correct [the drawing of]
the limbs by those you studied in the winter.

[Footnote: An injunction to study in the evening occurs also in No.
524.]

On the productive power of minor artists (498-501).

498.

He is a poor disciple who does not excel his master.

499.

Nor is the painter praiseworthy who does but one thing well, as the
nude figure, heads, draperies, animals, landscapes or other such
details, irrespective of other work; for there can be no mind so
inept, that after devoting itself to one single thing and doing it
constantly, it should fail to do it well.

[Footnote: In MANZI'S edition (p. 502) the painter G. G. Bossi
indignantly remarks on this passage. "_Parla il Vince in questo
luogo come se tutti gli artisti avessero quella sublimita d'ingegno
capace di abbracciare tutte le cose, di cui era egli dotato"_ And he
then mentions the case of CLAUDE LORRAIN. But he overlooks the fact
that in Leonardo's time landscape painting made no pretensions to
independence but was reckoned among the details (_particulari_,
lines 3, 4).]

500.

THAT A PAINTER IS NOT ADMIRABLE UNLESS HE IS UNIVERSAL.

Some may distinctly assert that those persons are under a delusion
who call that painter a good master who can do nothing well but a
head or a figure. Certainly this is no great achievement; after
studying one single thing for a life-time who would not have
attained some perfection in it? But, since we know that painting
embraces and includes in itself every object produced by nature or
resulting from the fortuitous actions of men, in short, all that the
eye can see, he seems to me but a poor master who can only do a
figure well. For do you not perceive how many and various actions
are performed by men only; how many different animals there are, as
well as trees, plants, flowers, with many mountainous regions and
plains, springs and rivers, cities with public and private
buildings, machines, too, fit for the purposes of men, divers
costumes, decorations and arts? And all these things ought to be
regarded as of equal importance and value, by the man who can be
termed a good painter.

501.

OF THE MISERABLE PRETENCES MADE BY THOSE WHO FALSELY AND UNWORTHILY
ACQUIRE THE NAME OF PAINTERS.

Now there is a certain race of painters who, having studied but
little, must need take as their standard of beauty mere gold and
azure, and these, with supreme conceit, declare that they will not
give good work for miserable payment, and that they could do as well
as any other if they were well paid. But, ye foolish folks! cannot
such artists keep some good work, and then say: this is a costly
work and this more moderate and this is average work and show that
they can work at all prices?

A caution against one-sided study.

502.

HOW, IN IMPORTANT WORKS, A MAN SHOULD NOT TRUST ENTIRELY TO HIS
MEMORY WITHOUT CONDESCENDING TO DRAW FROM NATURE.

Any master who should venture to boast that he could remember all
the forms and effects of nature would certainly appear to me to be
graced with extreme ignorance, inasmuch as these effects are
infinite and our memory is not extensive enough to retain them.
Hence, O! painter, beware lest the lust of gain should supplant in
you the dignity of art; for the acquisition of glory is a much
greater thing than the glory of riches. Hence, for these and other
reasons which might be given, first strive in drawing to represent
your intention to the eye by expressive forms, and the idea
originally formed in your imagination; then go on taking out or
putting in, until you have satisfied yourself. Then have living men,
draped or nude, as you may have purposed in your work, and take care
that in dimensions and size, as determined by perspective, nothing
is left in the work which is not in harmony with reason and the
effects in nature. And this will be the way to win honour in your
art.

How to acquire universality (503-506).

503.

OF VARIETY IN THE FIGURES.

The painter should aim at universality, because there is a great
want of self-respect in doing one thing well and another badly, as
many do who study only the [rules of] measure and proportion in the
nude figure and do not seek after variety; for a man may be well
proportioned, or he may be fat and short, or tall and thin, or
medium. And a painter who takes no account of these varieties always
makes his figures on one pattern so that they might all be taken for
brothers; and this is a defect that demands stern reprehension.

504.

HOW SOMETHING MAY BE LEARNT EVERYWHERE.

Nature has beneficently provided that throughout the world you may
find something to imitate.

505.

OF THE MEANS OF ACQUIRING UNIVERSALITY.

It is an easy matter to men to acquire universality, for all
terrestrial animals resemble each other as to their limbs, that is
in their muscles, sinews and bones; and they do not vary excepting
in length or in thickness, as will be shown under Anatomy. But then
there are aquatic animals which are of great variety; I will not try
to convince the painter that there is any rule for them for they are
of infinite variety, and so is the insect tribe.

506.

PAINTING.

The mind of the painter must resemble a mirror, which always takes
the colour of the object it reflects and is completely occupied by
the images of as many objects as are in front of it. Therefore you
must know, Oh Painter! that you cannot be a good one if you are not
the universal master of representing by your art every kind of form
produced by nature. And this you will not know how to do if you do
not see them, and retain them in your mind. Hence as you go through
the fields, turn your attention to various objects, and, in turn
look now at this thing and now at that, collecting a store of divers
facts selected and chosen from those of less value. But do not do
like some painters who, when they are wearied with exercising their
fancy dismiss their work from their thoughts and take exercise in
walking for relaxation, but still keep fatigue in their mind which,
though they see various objects [around them], does not apprehend
them; but, even when they meet friends or relations and are saluted
by them, although they see and hear them, take no more cognisance of
them than if they had met so much empty air.

Useful games and exercises (507. 508).

507.

OF GAMES TO BE PLAYED BY THOSE WHO DRAW.

When, Oh draughtsmen, you desire to find relaxation in games you
should always practise such things as may be of use in your
profession, by giving your eye good practice in judging accurately
of the breadth and length of objects. Thus, to accustom your mind to
such things, let one of you draw a straight line at random on a
wall, and each of you, taking a blade of grass or of straw in his
hand, try to cut it to the length that the line drawn appears to him
to be, standing at a distance of 10 braccia; then each one may go up
to the line to measure the length he has judged it to be. And he who
has come nearest with his measure to the length of the pattern is
the best man, and the winner, and shall receive the prize you have
settled beforehand. Again you should take forshortened measures:
that is take a spear, or any other cane or reed, and fix on a point
at a certain distance; and let each one estimate how many times he
judges that its length will go into that distance. Again, who will
draw best a line one braccio long, which shall be tested by a
thread. And such games give occasion to good practice for the eye,
which is of the first importance in painting.

508.

A WAY OF DEVELOPING AND AROUSING THE MIND TO VARIOUS INVENTIONS.

I cannot forbear to mention among these precepts a new device for
study which, although it may seem but trivial and almost ludicrous,
is nevertheless extremely useful in arousing the mind to various
inventions. And this is, when you look at a wall spotted with
stains, or with a mixture of stones, if you have to devise some
scene, you may discover a resemblance to various landscapes,
beautified with mountains, rivers, rocks, trees, plains, wide
valleys and hills in varied arrangement; or again you may see
battles and figures in action; or strange faces and costumes, and an
endless variety of objects, which you could reduce to complete and
well drawn forms. And these appear on such walls confusedly, like
the sound of bells in whose jangle you may find any name or word you
choose to imagine.

II.

THE ARTIST'S STUDIO.--INSTRUMENTS AND HELPS FOR THE APPLICATION OF
PERSPECTIVE.--ON JUDGING OF A PICTURE.

On the size of the studio.

509.

Small rooms or dwellings discipline the mind, large ones weaken it.

On the construction of windows (510-512).

510.

The larger the wall the less the light will be.

511.

The different kinds of light afforded in cellars by various forms of
windows. The least useful and the coldest is the window at _a_. The
most useful, the lightest and warmest and most open to the sky is
the window at _b_. The window at _c_ is of medium utility.

[Footnote: From a reference to the notes on the right light for
painting it becomes evident that the observations made on
cellar-windows have a direct bearing on the construction of the
studio-window. In the diagram _b_ as well as in that under No. 510
the window-opening is reduced to a minimum, but only, it would seem,
in order to emphasize the advantage of walls constructed on the plan
there shown.]

512.

OF THE PAINTER'S WINDOW AND ITS ADVANTAGE.

The painter who works from nature should have a window, which he can
raise and lower. The reason is that sometimes you will want to
finish a thing you are drawing, close to the light.

Let _a b c d_ be the chest on which the work may be raised or
lowered, so that the work moves up and down and not the painter. And
every evening you can let down the work and shut it up above so that
in the evening it may be in the fashion of a chest which, when shut
up, may serve the purpose of a bench.

[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI, No. 2. In this plate the lines have
unfortunately lost their sharpness, for the accidental loss of the
negative has necessitated a reproduction from a positive. But having
formerly published this sketch by another process, in VON LUTZOW'S
_Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst_ (Vol. XVII, pg. 13) I have
reproduced it here in the text. The sharpness of the outline in the
original sketch is here preserved but it gives it from the reversed
side.]

On the best light for painting (513-520).

513.

Which light is best for drawing from nature; whether high or low, or
large or small, or strong and broad, or strong and small, or broad
and weak or small and weak?

[Footnote: The question here put is unanswered in the original MS.]

514.

OF THE QUALITY OF THE LIGHT.

A broad light high up and not too strong will render the details of
objects very agreeable.

515.

THAT THE LIGHT FOR DRAWING FROM NATURE SHOULD BE HIGH UP.

The light for drawing from nature should come from the North in
order that it may not vary. And if you have it from the South, keep
the window screened with cloth, so that with the sun shining the
whole day the light may not vary. The height of the light should be
so arranged as that every object shall cast a shadow on the ground
of the same length as itself.

516.

THE KIND OF LIGHT REQUISITE FOR PAINTING LIGHT AND SHADE.

An object will display the greatest difference of light and shade
when it is seen in the strongest light, as by sunlight, or, at
night, by the light of a fire. But this should not be much used in
painting because the works remain crude and ungraceful.

An object seen in a moderate light displays little difference in the
light and shade; and this is the case towards evening or when the
day is cloudy, and works then painted are tender and every kind of
face becomes graceful. Thus, in every thing extremes are to be
avoided: Too much light gives crudeness; too little prevents our
seeing. The medium is best.

OF SMALL LIGHTS.

Again, lights cast from a small window give strong differences of
light and shade, all the more if the room lighted by it be large,
and this is not good for painting.

517.

PAINTING.

The luminous air which enters by passing through orifices in walls
into dark rooms will render the place less dark in proportion as the
opening cuts into the walls which surround and cover in the
pavement.

518.

OF THE QUALITY OF LIGHT.

In proportion to the number of times that _a b_ goes into _c d_ will
it be more luminous than _c d_. And similarly, in proportion as the
point _e_ goes into _c d_ will it be more luminous than _c d;_ and
this light is useful for carvers of delicate work. [Footnote 5: For
the same reason a window thus constructed would be convenient for an
illuminator or a miniature painter.]

[Footnote: M. RAVAISSON in his edition of the Paris MS. A remarks on
this passage: _"La figure porte les lettres_ f _et_ g, _auxquelles
rien ne renvoie dans l'explication; par consequent, cette
explication est incomplete. La figure semblerait, d'ailleurs, se
rapporter a l'effet de la reflexion par un miroir concave."_ So far
as I can see the text is not imperfect, nor is the sense obscure. It
is hardly necessary to observe that _c d_ here indicate the wall of
the room opposite to the window _e_ and the semicircle described by
_f g_ stands for the arch of the sky; this occurs in various
diagrams, for example under 511. A similar semicircle, Pl III, No. 2
(and compare No. 149) is expressly called '_orizonte_' in writing.]

519.

That the light should fall upon a picture from one window only. This
may be seen in the case of objects in this form. If you want to
represent a round ball at a certain height you must make it oval in
this shape, and stand so far off as that by foreshortening it
appears round.

520.

OF SELECTING THE LIGHT WHICH GIVES MOST GRACE TO FACES.

If you should have a court yard that you can at pleasure cover with
a linen awning that light will be good. Or when you want to take a
portrait do it in dull weather, or as evening falls, making the
sitter stand with his back to one of the walls of the court yard.
Note in the streets, as evening falls, the faces of the men and
women, and when the weather is dull, what softness and delicacy you
may perceive in them. Hence, Oh Painter! have a court arranged with
the walls tinted black and a narrow roof projecting within the
walls. It should be 10 braccia wide and 20 braccia long and 10
braccia high and covered with a linen awning; or else paint a work
towards evening or when it is cloudy or misty, and this is a perfect
light.

On various helps in preparing a picture (521-530).

521.

To draw a nude figure from nature, or any thing else, hold in your
hand a plumb-line to enable you to judge of the relative position
of objects.

522.

OF DRAWING AN OBJECT.

When you draw take care to set up a principal line which you must
observe all throughout the object you are drawing; every thing
should bear relation to the direction of this principal line.

523.

OF A MODE OF DRAWING A PLACE ACCURATELY.

Have a piece of glass as large as a half sheet of royal folio paper
and set thus firmly in front of your eyes that is, between your eye
and the thing you want to draw; then place yourself at a distance of
2/3 of a braccia from the glass fixing your head with a machine in
such a way that you cannot move it at all. Then shut or entirely
cover one eye and with a brush or red chalk draw upon the glass that
which you see beyond it; then trace it on paper from the glass,
afterwards transfer it onto good paper, and paint it if you like,
carefully attending to the arial perspective.

HOW TO LEARN TO PLACE YOUR FIGURES CORRECTLY.

If you want to acquire a practice of good and correct attitudes for
your figures, make a square frame or net, and square it out with
thread; place this between your eye and the nude model you are
drawing, and draw these same squares on the paper on which you mean
to draw the figure, but very delicately. Then place a pellet of wax
on a spot of the net which will serve as a fixed point, which,
whenever you look at your model, must cover the pit of the throat;
or, if his back is turned, it may cover one of the vertebrae of the
neck. Thus these threads will guide you as to each part of the body
which, in any given attitude will be found below the pit of the
throat, or the angles of the shoulders, or the nipples, or hips and
other parts of the body; and the transverse lines of the net will
show you how much the figure is higher over the leg on which it is
posed than over the other, and the same with the hips, and the knees
and the feet. But always fix the net perpendicularly so that all the
divisions that you see the model divided into by the net work
correspond with your drawing of the model on the net work you have
sketched. The squares you draw may be as much smaller than those of
the net as you wish that your figure should be smaller than nature.
Afterwards remember when drawing figures, to use the rule of the
corresponding proportions of the limbs as you have learnt it from
the frame and net. This should be 3 braccia and a half high and 3
braccia wide; 7 braccia distant from you and 1 braccio from the
model.

[Footnote: Leonardo is commonly credited with the invention of the
arrangement of a plate of glass commonly known as the "vertical
plane." Professor E. VON BRUCKE in his _"Bruchstucke aus der Theorie
der bildenden Kunste,"_ Leipzig 1877, pg. 3, writes on this
contrivance. _"Unsere Glastafel ist die sogenannte Glastafel des
Leonardo da Vinci, die in Gestalt einer Glastafel vorgestellte
Bildflache."_]

524.

A METHOD OF DRAWING AN OBJECT IN RELIEF AT NIGHT.

Place a sheet of not too transparent paper between the relievo and
the light and you can draw thus very well.

[Footnote: Bodies thus illuminated will show on the surface of the
paper how the copyist has to distribute light and shade.]

525.

If you want to represent a figure on a wall, the wall being
foreshortened, while the figure is to appear in its proper form, and
as standing free from the wall, you must proceed thus: have a thin
plate of iron and make a small hole in the centre; this hole must be
round. Set a light close to it in such a position as that it shines
through the central hole, then place any object or figure you please
so close to the wall that it touches it and draw the outline of the
shadow on the wall; then fill in the shade and add the lights; place
the person who is to see it so that he looks through that same hole
where at first the light was; and you will never be able to persuade
yourself that the image is not detached from the wall.

[Footnote: _uno piccolo spiracelo nel mezzo_. M. RAVAISSON, in his
edition of MS. A (Paris), p. 52, reads _nel muro_--evidently a
mistake for _nel mezzo_ which is quite plainly written; and he
translates it _"fait lui une petite ouverture dans le mur,"_ adding
in a note: _"les mots 'dans le mur' paraissent etre de trop.
Leonardo a du les ecrire par distraction"_ But _'nel mezzo'_ is
clearly legible even on the photograph facsimile given by Ravaisson
himself, and the objection he raises disappears at once. It is not
always wise or safe to try to prove our author's absence of mind or
inadvertence by apparent difficulties in the sense or connection of
the text.]

526.

TO DRAW A FIGURE ON A WALL 12 BRACCIA HIGH WHICH SHALL LOOK 24
BRACCIA HIGH.

If you wish to draw a figure or any other object to look 24 braccia
high you must do it in this way. First, on the surface _m r_ draw
half the man you wish to represent; then the other half; then put on
the vault _m n_ [the rest of] the figure spoken of above; first set
out the vertical plane on the floor of a room of the same shape as
the wall with the coved part on which you are to paint your figure.
Then, behind it, draw a figure set out in profile of whatever size
you please, and draw lines from it to the point _f_ and, as these
lines cut _m n_ on the vertical plane, so will the figure come on
the wall, of which the vertical plane gives a likeness, and you will
have all the [relative] heights and prominences of the figure. And
the breadth or thickness which are on the upright wall _m n_ are to
be drawn in their proper form, since, as the wall recedes the figure
will be foreshortened by itself; but [that part of] the figure which
goes into the cove you must foreshorten, as if it were standing
upright; this diminution you must set out on a flat floor and there
must stand the figure which is to be transferred from the vertical
plane _r n_[Footnote 17: _che leverai dalla pariete r n_. The
letters refer to the larger sketch, No. 3 on Pl. XXXI.] in its real
size and reduce it once more on a vertical plane; and this will be a
good method [Footnote 18: Leonardo here says nothing as to how the
image foreshortened by perspective and thus produced on the vertical
plane is to be transferred to the wall; but from what is said in
Nos. 525 and 523 we may conclude that he was familiar with the
process of casting the enlarged shadow of a squaring net on the
surface of a wall to guide him in drawing the figure.

_Pariete di rilieuo; "sur une parai en relief"_ (RAVAISSON). _"Auf
einer Schnittlinie zum Aufrichten"_ (LUDWIG). The explanation of
this puzzling expression must be sought in No. 545, lines 15-17.].

[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI. 3. The second sketch, which in the plate is
incomplete, is here reproduced and completed from the original to
illustrate the text. In the original the larger diagram is placed
between lines 5 and 6.

1. 2. C. A. 157a; 463a has the similar heading: '_del cressciere
della figura_', and the text begins: "_Se voli fare 1a figura
grande_ b c" but here it breaks off. The translation here given
renders the meaning of the passage as I think it must be understood.
The MS. is perfectly legible and the construction of the sentence is
simple and clear; difficulties can only arise from the very fullness
of the meaning, particularly towards the end of the passage.]

527.

If you would to draw a cube in an angle of a wall, first draw the
object in its own proper shape and raise it onto a vertical plane
until it resembles the angle in which the said object is to be
represented.

528.

Why are paintings seen more correctly in a mirror than out of it?

529.

HOW THE MIRROR IS THE MASTER [AND GUIDE] OF PAINTERS.

When you want to see if your picture corresponds throughout with the
objects you have drawn from nature, take a mirror and look in that
at the reflection of the real things, and compare the reflected
image with your picture, and consider whether the subject of the two
images duly corresponds in both, particularly studying the mirror.
You should take the mirror for your guide--that is to say a flat
mirror--because on its surface the objects appear in many respects
as in a painting. Thus you see, in a painting done on a flat
surface, objects which appear in relief, and in the mirror--also a
flat surface--they look the same. The picture has one plane surface
and the same with the mirror. The picture is intangible, in so far
as that which appears round and prominent cannot be grasped in the
hands; and it is the same with the mirror. And since you can see
that the mirror, by means of outlines, shadows and lights, makes
objects appear in relief, you, who have in your colours far stronger
lights and shades than those in the mirror, can certainly, if you
compose your picture well, make that also look like a natural scene
reflected in a large mirror.

[Footnote: I understand the concluding lines of this passage as
follows: If you draw the upper half a figure on a large sheet of
paper laid out on the floor of a room (_sala be piana_) to the same
scale (_con le sue vere grosseze_) as the lower half, already drawn
upon the wall (lines 10, 11)you must then reduce them on a '_pariete
di rilievo_,' a curved vertical plane which serves as a model to
reproduce the form of the vault.]

530.

OF JUDGING YOUR OWN PICTURES.

We know very well that errors are better recognised in the works of
others than in our own; and that often, while reproving little
faults in others, you may ignore great ones in yourself. To avoid
such ignorance, in the first place make yourself a master of
perspective, then acquire perfect knowledge of the proportions of
men and other animals, and also, study good architecture, that is so
far as concerns the forms of buildings and other objects which are
on the face of the earth; these forms are infinite, and the better
you know them the more admirable will your work be. And in cases
where you lack experience do not shrink from drawing them from
nature. But, to carry out my promise above [in the title]--I say
that when you paint you should have a flat mirror and often look at
your work as reflected in it, when you will see it reversed, and it
will appear to you like some other painter's work, so you will be
better able to judge of its faults than in any other way. Again, it
is well that you should often leave off work and take a little
relaxation, because, when you come back to it you are a better
judge; for sitting too close at work may greatly deceive you. Again,
it is good to retire to a distance because the work looks smaller
and your eye takes in more of it at a glance and sees more easily
the discords or disproportion in the limbs and colours of the
objects.

On the management of works (531. 532).

531.

OF A METHOD OF LEARNING WELL BY HEART.

When you want to know a thing you have studied in your memory
proceed in this way: When you have drawn the same thing so many
times that you think you know it by heart, test it by drawing it
without the model; but have the model traced on flat thin glass and
lay this on the drawing you have made without the model, and note
carefully where the tracing does not coincide with your drawing, and
where you find you have gone wrong; and bear in mind not to repeat
the same mistakes. Then return to the model, and draw the part in
which you were wrong again and again till you have it well in your
mind. If you have no flat glass for tracing on, take some very thin
kidts-kin parchment, well oiled and dried. And when you have used it
for one drawing you can wash it clean with a sponge and make a
second.

532.

THAT A PAINTER OUGHT TO BE CURIOUS TO HEAR THE OPINIONS OF EVERY ONE
ON HIS WORK.

Certainly while a man is painting he ought not to shrink from
hearing every opinion. For we know very well that a man, though he
may not be a painter, is familiar with the forms of other men and
very capable of judging whether they are hump backed, or have one
shoulder higher or lower than the other, or too big a mouth or nose,
and other defects; and, as we know that men are competent to judge
of the works of nature, how much more ought we to admit that they
can judge of our errors; since you know how much a man may be
deceived in his own work. And if you are not conscious of this in
yourself study it in others and profit by their faults. Therefore be
curious to hear with patience the opinions of others, consider and
weigh well whether those who find fault have ground or not for
blame, and, if so amend; but, if not make as though you had not
heard, or if he should be a man you esteem show him by argument the
cause of his mistake.

On the limitations of painting (533-535)

533.

HOW IN SMALL OBJECTS ERRORS ARE LESS EVIDENT THAN IN LARGE ONES.

In objects of minute size the extent of error is not so perceptible
as in large ones; and the reason is that if this small object is a
representation of a man or of some other animal, from the immense
diminution the details cannot be worked out by the artist with the
finish that is requisite. Hence it is not actually complete; and,
not being complete, its faults cannot be determined. For instance:
Look at a man at a distance of 300 braccia and judge attentively
whether he be handsome or ugly, or very remarkable or of ordinary
appearance. You will find that with the utmost effort you cannot
persuade yourself to decide. And the reason is that at such a
distance the man is so much diminished that the character of the
details cannot be determined. And if you wish to see how much this
man is diminished [by distance] hold one of your fingers at a span's
distance from your eye, and raise or lower it till the top joint
touches the feet of the figure you are looking at, and you will see
an incredible reduction. For this reason we often doubt as to the
person of a friend at a distance.

534.

WHY A PAINTING CAN NEVER APPEAR DETACHED AS NATURAL OBJECTS DO.

Painters often fall into despair of imitating nature when they see
their pictures fail in that relief and vividness which objects have
that are seen in a mirror; while they allege that they have colours
which for brightness or depth far exceed the strength of light and
shade in the reflections in the mirror, thus displaying their own
ignorance rather than the real cause, because they do not know it.
It is impossible that painted objects should appear in such relief
as to resemble those reflected in the mirror, although both are seen
on a flat surface, unless they are seen with only one eye; and the
reason is that two eyes see one object behind another as _a_ and _b_
see _m_ and _n_. _m_ cannot exactly occupy [the space of] _n_
because the base of the visual lines is so broad that the second
body is seen beyond the first. But if you close one eye, as at _s_
the body _f_ will conceal _r_, because the line of sight proceeds
from a single point and makes its base in the first body, whence the
second, of the same size, can never be seen.

[Footnote: This passage contains the solution of the problem
proposed in No. 29, lines 10-14. Leonardo was evidently familiar
with the law of optics on which the construction of the stereoscope
depends. Compare E. VON BRUCKE, _Bruchstucke aus der Theorie der
bildenden Kunste_, pg. 69: "_Schon Leonardo da Vinci wusste, dass
ein noch so gut gemaltes Bild nie den vollen Eindruck der
Korperlichkeit geben kann, wie ihn die Natur selbst giebt. Er
erklart dies auch in Kap. LIII und Kap. CCCXLI_ (ed. DU FRESNE)
_des_ 'Trattato' _in sachgemasser Weise aus dem Sehen mit beiden
Augen_."

Chap. 53 of DU FRESNE'S edition corresponds to No. 534 of this
work.]

535.

WHY OF TWO OBJECTS OF EQUAL SIZE A PAINTED ONE WILL LOOK LARGER THAN
A SOLID ONE.

The reason of this is not so easy to demonstrate as many others.
Still I will endeavour to accomplish it, if not wholly, at any rate
in part. The perspective of diminution demonstrates by reason, that
objects diminish in proportion as they are farther from the eye, and
this reasoning is confirmed by experience. Hence, the lines of sight
that extend between the object and the eye, when they are directed
to the surface of a painting are all intersected at uniform limits,
while those lines which are directed towards a piece of sculpture
are intersected at various limits and are of various lengths. The
lines which are longest extend to a more remote limb than the others
and therefore that limb looks smaller. As there are numerous lines
each longer than the others--since there are numerous parts, each
more remote than the others and these, being farther off,
necessarily appear smaller, and by appearing smaller it follows that
their diminution makes the whole mass of the object look smaller.
But this does not occur in painting; since the lines of sight all
end at the same distance there can be no diminution, hence the parts
not being diminished the whole object is undiminished, and for this
reason painting does not diminish, as a piece of sculpture does.

On the choice of a position (536-537)

536.

HOW HIGH THE POINT OF SIGHT SHOULD BE PLACED.

The point of sight must be at the level of the eye of an ordinary
man, and the farthest limit of the plain where it touches the sky
must be placed at the level of that line where the earth and sky
meet; excepting mountains, which are independent of it.

537.

OF THE WAY TO DRAW FIGURES FOR HISTORICAL PICTURES.

The painter must always study on the wall on which he is to picture
a story the height of the position where he wishes to arrange his
figures; and when drawing his studies for them from nature he must
place himself with his eye as much below the object he is drawing
as, in the picture, it will have to be above the eye of the
spectator. Otherwise the work will look wrong.

The apparent size of figures in a picture (538-539)

538.

OF PLACING A FIGURE IN THE FOREGROUND OF A HISTORICAL PICTURE.

You must make the foremost figure in the picture less than the size
of nature in proportion to the number of braccia at which you place
it from the front line, and make the others in proportion by the
above rule.

539.

PERSPECTIVE.

You are asked, O Painter, why the figures you draw on a small scale
according to the laws of perspective do not appear--notwithstanding
the demonstration of distance--as large as real ones--their height
being the same as in those painted on the wall.

And why [painted] objects seen at a small distance appear larger
than the real ones?

The right position of the artist, when painting, and of the
spectator (540-547)

540.

OF PAINTING.

When you draw from nature stand at a distance of 3 times the height
of the object you wish to draw.

541.

OF DRAWING FROM RELIEF.

In drawing from the round the draughtsman should so place himself
that the eye of the figure he is drawing is on a level with his own.
This should be done with any head he may have to represent from
nature because, without exception, the figures or persons you meet
in the streets have their eyes on the same level as your own; and if
you place them higher or lower you will see that your drawing will
not be true.

542.

WHY GROUPS OF FIGURES ONE ABOVE ANOTHER ARE TO BE AVOIDED.

The universal practice which painters adopt on the walls of chapels
is greatly and reasonably to be condemned. Inasmuch as they
represent one historical subject on one level with a landscape and
buildings, and then go up a step and paint another, varying the
point [of sight], and then a third and a fourth, in such a way as
that on one wall there are 4 points of sight, which is supreme folly
in such painters. We know that the point of sight is opposite the
eye of the spectator of the scene; and if you would [have me] tell
you how to represent the life of a saint divided into several
pictures on one and the same wall, I answer that you must set out
the foreground with its point of sight on a level with the eye of
the spectator of the scene, and upon this plane represent the more
important part of the story large and then, diminishing by degrees
the figures, and the buildings on various hills and open spaces, you
can represent all the events of the history. And on the remainder of
the wall up to the top put trees, large as compared with the
figures, or angels if they are appropriate to the story, or birds or
clouds or similar objects; otherwise do not trouble yourself with it
for your whole work will be wrong.

543.

A PICTURE OF OBJECTS IN PERSPECTIVE WILL LOOK MORE LIFELIKE WHEN
SEEN FROM THE POINT FROM WHICH THE OBJECTS WERE DRAWN.

If you want to represent an object near to you which is to have the
effect of nature, it is impossible that your perspective should not
look wrong, with every false relation and disagreement of proportion
that can be imagined in a wretched work, unless the spectator, when
he looks at it, has his eye at the very distance and height and
direction where the eye or the point of sight was placed in doing
this perspective. Hence it would be necessary to make a window, or
rather a hole, of the size of your face through which you can look
at the work; and if you do this, beyond all doubt your work, if it
is correct as to light and shade, will have the effect of nature;
nay you will hardly persuade yourself that those objects are
painted; otherwise do not trouble yourself about it, unless indeed
you make your view at least 20 times as far off as the greatest
width or height of the objects represented, and this will satisfy
any spectator placed anywhere opposite to the picture.

If you want the proof briefly shown, take a piece of wood in the
form of a little column, eight times as high as it is thick, like a
column without any plinth or capital; then mark off on a flat wall
40 equal spaces, equal to its width so that between them they make
40 columns resembling your little column; you then must fix,
opposite the centre space, and at 4 braccia from the wall, a thin
strip of iron with a small round hole in the middle about as large
as a big pearl. Close to this hole place a light touching it. Then
place your column against each mark on the wall and draw the outline
of its shadow; afterwards shade it and look through the hole in the
iron plate.

[Footnote: In the original there is a wide space between lines 3 and
4 in which we find two sketches not belonging to the text. It is
unnecessary to give prominence to the points in which my reading
differs from that of M. RAVAISSON or to justify myself, since they
are all of secondary importance and can also be immediately verified
from the photograph facsimile in his edition.]

544.

A diminished object should be seen from the same distance, height
and direction as the point of sight of your eye, or else your
knowledge will produce no good effect.

And if you will not, or cannot, act on this principle--because as
the plane on which you paint is to be seen by several persons you
would need several points of sight which would make it look
discordant and wrong--place yourself at a distance of at least 10
times the size of the objects.

The lesser fault you can fall into then, will be that of
representing all the objects in the foreground of their proper size,
and on whichever side you are standing the objects thus seen will
diminish themselves while the spaces between them will have no
definite ratio. For, if you place yourself in the middle of a
straight row [of objects], and look at several columns arranged in a
line you will see, beyond a few columns separated by intervals, that
the columns touch; and beyond where they touch they cover each
other, till the last column projects but very little beyond the last
but one. Thus the spaces between the columns are by degrees entirely
lost. So, if your method of perspective is good, it will produce the
same effect; this effect results from standing near the line in
which the columns are placed. This method is not satisfactory unless
the objects seen are viewed from a small hole, in the middle of
which is your point of sight; but if you proceed thus your work will
be perfect and will deceive the beholder, who will see the columns
as they are here figured.

Here the eye is in the middle, at the point _a_ and near to the
columns.

[Footnote: The diagram which stands above this chapter in the
original with the note belonging to it: "a b _e la ripruova_" (_a b_
is the proof) has obviously no connection with the text. The second
sketch alone is reproduced and stands in the original between lines
22 and 23.]

545.

If you cannot arrange that those who look at your work should stand
at one particular point, when constructing your work, stand back
until your eye is at least 20 times as far off as the greatest
height and width of your work. This will make so little difference
when the eye of the spectator moves, that it will be hardly
appreciable, and it will look very good.

If the point of sight is at _t_ you would make the figures on the
circle _d b e_ all of one size, as each of them bears the same
relation to the point _t_. But consider the diagram given below and
you will see that this is wrong, and why I shall make _b_ smaller
than _d e_ [Footnote 8: The second diagram of this chapter stands in
the original between lines 8 and 9.].

It is easy to understand that if 2 objects equal to each other are
placed side by side the one at 3 braccia distance looks smaller than
that placed at 2 braccia. This however is rather theoretical than
for practice, because you stand close by [Footnote 11: Instead of
'_se preso_' (=_sie presso_) M. RAVAISSON reads '_sempre se_' which
gives rise to the unmeaning rendering: '_parceque toujours_ ...'].

All the objects in the foreground, whether large or small, are to be
drawn of their proper size, and if you see them from a distance they
will appear just as they ought, and if you see them close they will
diminish of themselves.

[Footnote 15: Compare No. 526 line 18.] Take care that the vertical
plan on which you work out the perspective of the objects seen is of
the same form as the wall on which the work is to be executed.

546.

OF PAINTING.

The size of the figures represented ought to show you the distance
they are seen from. If you see a figure as large as nature you know
it appears to be close to the eye.

547.

WHERE A SPECTATOR SHOULD STAND TO LOOK AT A PICTURE.

Supposing _a b_ to be the picture and _d_ to be the light, I say
that if you place yourself between _c_ and _e_ you will not
understand the picture well and particularly if it is done in oils,
or still more if it is varnished, because it will be lustrous and
somewhat of the nature of a mirror. And for this reason the nearer
you go towards the point _c_, the less you will see, because the
rays of light falling from the window on the picture are reflected
to that point. But if you place yourself between _e_ and _d_ you
will get a good view of it, and the more so as you approach the
point _d_, because that spot is least exposed to these reflected
rays of light.

III.

THE PRACTICAL METHODS OF LIGHT AND SHADE AND AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.

Gradations of light and shade.

548.

OF PAINTING: OF THE DARKNESS OF THE SHADOWS, OR I MAY SAY, THE
BRIGHTNESS OF THE LIGHTS.

Although practical painters attribute to all shaded objects--trees,
fields, hair, beards and skin--four degrees of darkness in each
colour they use: that is to say first a dark foundation, secondly a
spot of colour somewhat resembling the form of the details, thirdly
a somewhat brighter and more defined portion, fourthly the lights
which are more conspicuous than other parts of the figure; still to
me it appears that these gradations are infinite upon a continuous
surface which is in itself infinitely divisible, and I prove it
thus:--[Footnote 7: See Pl. XXXI, No. 1; the two upper sketches.]
Let _a g_ be a continuous surface and let _d_ be the light which
illuminates it; I say--by the 4th [proposition] which says that that
side of an illuminated body is most highly lighted which is nearest
to the source of light--that therefore _g_ must be darker than _c_
in proportion as the line _d g_ is longer than the line _d c_, and
consequently that these gradations of light--or rather of shadow,
are not 4 only, but may be conceived of as infinite, because _c d_
is a continuous surface and every continuous surface is infinitely
divisible; hence the varieties in the length of lines extending
between the light and the illuminated object are infinite, and the
proportion of the light will be the same as that of the length of
the lines between them; extending from the centre of the luminous
body to the surface of the illuminated object.

On the choice of light for a picture (549-554).

549.

HOW THE PAINTER MUST PLACE HIMSELF WITH REFERENCE TO THE LIGHT, TO
GIVE THE EFFECT OF RELIEF.

Let _a b_ be the window, _m_ the point of light. I say that on
whichever side the painter places himself he will be well placed if
only his eye is between the shaded and the illuminated portions of
the object he is drawing; and this place you will find by putting
yourself between the point _m_ and the division between the shadow
and the light on the object to be drawn.

550.

THAT SHADOWS CAST BY A PARTICULAR LIGHT SHOULD BE AVOIDED, BECAUSE
THEY ARE EQUALLY STRONG AT THE ENDS AND AT THE BEGINNING.

The shadows cast by the sun or any other particular light have not a
pleasing effect on the body to which they belong, because the parts
remain confuse, being divided by distinct outlines of light and
shade. And the shadows are of equal strength at the end and at the
beginning.

551.

HOW LIGHT SHOULD BE THROWN UPON FIGURES.

The light must be arranged in accordance with the natural conditions
under which you wish to represent your figures: that is, if you
represent them in the sunshine make the shadows dark with large
spaces of light, and mark their shadows and those of all the
surrounding objects strongly on the ground. And if you represent
them as in dull weather give little difference of light and shade,
without any shadows at their feet. If you represent them as within
doors, make a strong difference between the lights and shadows, with
shadows on the ground. If the window is screened and the walls
white, there will be little difference of light. If it is lighted by
firelight make the high lights ruddy and strong, and the shadows
dark, and those cast on the walls and on the floor will be clearly
defined and the farther they are from the body the broader and
longer will they be. If the light is partly from the fire and partly
from the outer day, that of day will be the stronger and that of the
fire almost as red as fire itself. Above all see that the figures
you paint are broadly lighted and from above, that is to say all
living persons that you paint; for you will see that all the people
you meet out in the street are lighted from above, and you must know
that if you saw your most intimate friend with a light [on his face]
from below you would find it difficult to recognise him.

552.

OF HELPING THE APPARENT RELIEF OF A PICTURE BY GIVING IT ARTIFICIAL
LIGHT AND SHADE.

To increase relief of a picture you may place, between your figure
and the solid object on which its shadow falls, a line of bright
light, dividing the figure from the object in shadow. And on the
same object you shall represent two light parts which will surround
the shadow cast upon the wall by the figure placed opposite [6]; and
do this frequently with the limbs which you wish should stand out
somewhat from the body they belong to; particularly when the arms
cross the front of the breast show, between the shadow cast by the
arms on the breast and the shadow on the arms themselves, a little
light seeming to fall through a space between the breast and the
arms; and the more you wish the arm to look detached from the breast
the broader you must make the light; always contrive also to arrange
the figures against the background in such a way as that the parts
in shadow are against a light background and the illuminated
portions against a dark background.

[Footnote 6: Compare the two diagrams under No. 565.]

553.

OF SITUATION.

Remember [to note] the situation of your figures; for the light and
shade will be one thing if the object is in a dark place with a
particular light, and another thing if it is in a light place with
direct sunlight; one thing in a dark place with a diffused evening
light or a cloudy sky, and another in the diffused light of the
atmosphere lighted by the sun.

554.

OF THE JUDGMENT TO BE MADE OF A PAINTER'S WORK.

First you must consider whether the figures have the relief required
by their situation and the light which illuminates them; for the
shadows should not be the same at the extreme ends of the
composition as in the middle, because it is one thing when figures
are surrounded by shadows and another when they have shadows only on
one side. Those which are in the middle of the picture are
surrounded by shadows, because they are shaded by the figures which
stand between them and the light. And those are lighted on one side
only which stand between the principal group and the light, because
where they do not look towards the light they face the group and the
darkness of the group is thrown on them: and where they do not face
the group they face the brilliant light and it is their own darkness
shadowing them, which appears there.

In the second place observe the distribution or arrangement of
figures, and whether they are distributed appropriately to the
circumstances of the story. Thirdly, whether the figures are
actively intent on their particular business.

555.

OF THE TREATMENT OF THE LIGHTS.

First give a general shadow to the whole of that extended part which
is away from the light. Then put in the half shadows and the strong
shadows, comparing them with each other and, in the same way give
the extended light in half tint, afterwards adding the half lights
and the high lights, likewise comparing them together.

The distribution of light and shade (556-559)

556.

OF SHADOWS ON BODIES.

When you represent the dark shadows in bodies in light and shade,
always show the cause of the shadow, and the same with reflections;
because the dark shadows are produced by dark objects and the
reflections by objects only moderately lighted, that is with
diminished light. And there is the same proportion between the
highly lighted part of a body and the part lighted by a reflection
as between the origin of the lights on the body and the origin of
the reflections.

557.

OF LIGHTS AND SHADOWS.

I must remind you to take care that every portion of a body, and
every smallest detail which is ever so little in relief, must be
given its proper importance as to light and shade.

558.

OF THE WAY TO MAKE THE SHADOW ON FIGURES CORRESPOND TO THE LIGHT AND
TO [THE COLOUR] OF THE BODY.

When you draw a figure and you wish to see whether the shadow is the
proper complement to the light, and neither redder nor yellower than
is the nature of the colour you wish to represent in shade, proceed
thus. Cast a shadow with your finger on the illuminated portion, and
if the accidental shadow that you have made is like the natural
shadow cast by your finger on your work, well and good; and by
putting your finger nearer or farther off, you can make darker or
lighter shadows, which you must compare with your own.

559.

OF SURROUNDING BODIES BY VARIOUS FORMS OF SHADOW.

Take care that the shadows cast upon the surface of the bodies by
different objects must undulate according to the various curves of
the limbs which cast the shadows, and of the objects on which they
are cast.

The juxtaposition of light and shade (560, 561).

560.

ON PAINTING.

The comparison of the various qualities of shadows and lights not
infrequently seems ambiguous and confused to the painter who desires
to imitate and copy the objects he sees. The reason is this: If you
see a white drapery side by side with a black one, that part of the
white drapery which lies against the black one will certainly look
much whiter than the part which lies against something whiter than
itself. [Footnote: It is evident from this that so early as in 1492
Leonardo's writing in perspective was so far advanced that he could
quote his own statements.--As bearing on this subject compare what
is said in No. 280.] And the reason of this is shown in my [book on]
perspective.

561.

OF SHADOWS.

Where a shadow ends in the light, note carefully where it is paler
or deeper and where it is more or less indistinct towards the light;
and, above all, in [painting] youthful figures I remind you not to
make the shadow end like a stone, because flesh has a certain
transparency, as may be seen by looking at a hand held between the
eye and the sun, which shines through it ruddy and bright. Place the
most highly coloured part between the light and shadow. And to see
what shadow tint is needed on the flesh, cast a shadow on it with
your finger, and according as you wish to see it lighter or darker
hold your finger nearer to or farther from your picture, and copy
that [shadow].

On the lighting of the background (562-565).

562.

OF THE BACKGROUNDS FOR PAINTED FIGURES.

The ground which surrounds the forms of any object you paint should
be darker than the high lights of those figures, and lighter than
their shadowed part: &c.

563.

OF THE BACKGROUND THAT THE PAINTER SHOULD ADOPT IN HIS WORKS.

Since experience shows us that all bodies are surrounded by light
and shade it is necessary that you, O Painter, should so arrange
that the side which is in light shall terminate against a dark body
and likewise that the shadow side shall terminate against a light
body. And by [following] this rule you will add greatly to the
relief of your figures.

564.

A most important part of painting consists in the backgrounds of the
objects represented; against these backgrounds the outlines of
those natural objects which are convex are always visible, and also
the forms of these bodies against the background, even though the
colours of the bodies should be the same as that of the background.
This is caused by the convex edges of the objects not being
illuminated in the same way as, by the same light, the background is
illuminated, since these edges will often be lighter or darker than
the background. But if the edge is of the same colour as the
background, beyond a doubt it will in that part of the picture
interfere with your perception of the outline, and such a choice in
a picture ought to be rejected by the judgment of good painters,
inasmuch as the purpose of the painter is to make his figures appear
detached from the background; while in the case here described the
contrary occurs, not only in the picture, but in the objects
themselves.

565.

That you ought, when representing objects above the eye and on one
side--if you wish them to look detached from the wall--to show,
between the shadow on the object and the shadow it casts a middle
light, so that the body will appear to stand away from the wall.

On the lighting of white objects.

566.

HOW WHITE BODIES SHOULD BE REPRESENTED.

If you are representing a white body let it be surrounded by ample
space, because as white has no colour of its own, it is tinged and
altered in some degree by the colour of the objects surrounding it.
If you see a woman dressed in white in the midst of a landscape,
that side which is towards the sun is bright in colour, so much so
that in some portions it will dazzle the eyes like the sun itself;
and the side which is towards the atmosphere,--luminous through
being interwoven with the sun's rays and penetrated by them--since
the atmosphere itself is blue, that side of the woman's figure will
appear steeped in blue. If the surface of the ground about her be
meadows and if she be standing between a field lighted up by the sun
and the sun itself, you will see every portion of those folds which
are towards the meadow tinged by the reflected rays with the colour
of that meadow. Thus the white is transmuted into the colours of the
luminous and of the non-luminous objects near it.

The methods of aerial (567--570).

567.

WHY FACES [SEEN] AT A DISTANCE LOOK DARK.

We see quite plainly that all the images of visible objects that lie
before us, whether large or small, reach our sense by the minute
aperture of the eye; and if, through so small a passage the image
can pass of the vast extent of sky and earth, the face of a
man--being by comparison with such large images almost nothing by
reason of the distance which diminishes it,--fills up so little of
the eye that it is indistinguishable. Having, also, to be
transmitted from the surface to the sense through a dark medium,
that is to say the crystalline lens which looks dark, this image,
not being strong in colour becomes affected by this darkness on its
passage, and on reaching the sense it appears dark; no other reason
can in any way be assigned. If the point in the eye is black, it is
because it is full of a transparent humour as clear as air and acts
like a perforation in a board; on looking into it it appears dark
and the objects seen through the bright air and a dark one become
confused in this darkness.

WHY A MAN SEEN AT A CERTAIN DISTANCE IS NOT RECOGNISABLE.

The perspective of diminution shows us that the farther away an
object is the smaller it looks. If you look at a man at a distance
from you of an arrow's flight, and hold the eye of a small needle
close to your own eye, you can see through it several men whose
images are transmitted to the eye and will all be comprised within
the size of the needle's eye; hence, if the man who is at the
distance of an arrow's flight can send his whole image to your eye,
occupying only a small space in the needle's eye how can you
[expect] in so small a figure to distinguish or see the nose or
mouth or any detail of his person? and, not seeing these you cannot
recognise the man, since these features, which he does not show, are
what give men different aspects.

568.

THE REASON WHY SMALL FIGURES SHOULD NOT BE MADE FINISHED.

I say that the reason that objects appear diminished in size is
because they are remote from the eye; this being the case it is
evident that there must be a great extent of atmosphere between the
eye and the objects, and this air interferes with the distinctness
of the forms of the object. Hence the minute details of these
objects will be indistinguishable and unrecognisable. Therefore, O
Painter, make your smaller figures merely indicated and not highly
finished, otherwise you will produce effects the opposite to nature,
your supreme guide. The object is small by reason of the great
distance between it and the eye, this great distance is filled with
air, that mass of air forms a dense body which intervenes and
prevents the eye seeing the minute details of objects.

569.

Whenever a figure is placed at a considerable distance you lose
first the distinctness of the smallest parts; while the larger parts
are left to the last, losing all distinctness of detail and outline;
and what remains is an oval or spherical figure with confused edges.

570.

OF PAINTING.

The density of a body of smoke looks white below the horizon while
above the horizon it is dark, even if the smoke is in itself of a
uniform colour, this uniformity will vary according to the variety
in the ground on which it is seen.

IV.

OF PORTRAIT AND FIGURE PAINTING.

Of sketching figures and portraits (571-572).

571.

OF THE WAY TO LEARN TO COMPOSE FIGURES [IN GROUPS] IN HISTORICAL
PICTURES.

When you have well learnt perspective and have by heart the parts
and forms of objects, you must go about, and constantly, as you go,
observe, note and consider the circumstances and behaviour of men in
talking, quarrelling or laughing or fighting together: the action of
the men themselves and the actions of the bystanders, who separate
them or who look on. And take a note of them with slight strokes
thus, in a little book which you should always carry with you. And
it should be of tinted paper, that it may not be rubbed out, but
change the old [when full] for a new one; since these things should
not be rubbed out but preserved with great care; for the forms, and
positions of objects are so infinite that the memory is incapable of
retaining them, wherefore keep these [sketches] as your guides and
masters.

[Footnote: Among Leonardo's numerous note books of pocket size not
one has coloured paper, so no sketches answering to this description
can be pointed out. The fact that most of the notes are written in
ink, militates against the supposition that they were made in the
open air.]

572.

OF A METHOD OF KEEPING IN MIND THE FORM OF A FACE.

If you want to acquire facility for bearing in mind the expression
of a face, first make yourself familiar with a variety of [forms of]
several heads, eyes, noses, mouths, chins and cheeks and necks and
shoulders: And to put a case: Noses are of 10 types: straight,
bulbous, hollow, prominent above or below the middle, aquiline,
regular, flat, round or pointed. These hold good as to profile. In
full face they are of 11 types; these are equal thick in the middle,
thin in the middle, with the tip thick and the root narrow, or
narrow at the tip and wide at the root; with the nostrils wide or
narrow, high or low, and the openings wide or hidden by the point;
and you will find an equal variety in the other details; which
things you must draw from nature and fix them in your mind. Or else,
when you have to draw a face by heart, carry with you a little book
in which you have noted such features; and when you have cast a
glance at the face of the person you wish to draw, you can look, in
private, which nose or mouth is most like, or there make a little
mark to recognise it again at home. Of grotesque faces I need say
nothing, because they are kept in mind without difficulty.

The position of the head.

573.

HOW YOU SHOULD SET TO WORK TO DRAW A HEAD OF WHICH ALL THE PARTS
SHALL AGREE WITH THE POSITION GIVEN TO IT.

To draw a head in which the features shall agree with the turn and
bend of the head, pursue this method. You know that the eyes,
eyebrows, nostrils, corners of the mouth, and sides of the chin, the
jaws, cheeks, ears and all the parts of a face are squarely and
straightly set upon the face.

[Footnote: Compare the drawings and the text belonging to them on
Pl. IX. (No. 315), Pl. X (No. 316), Pl. XL (No. 318) and Pl. XII.
(No. 319).]

Therefore when you have sketched the face draw lines passing from
one corner of the eye to the other; and so for the placing of each
feature; and after having drawn the ends of the lines beyond the two
sides of the face, look if the spaces inside the same parallel lines
on the right and on the left are equal [12]. But be sure to remember
to make these lines tend to the point of sight.

[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI, No. 4, the slight sketch on the left hand
side. The text of this passage is written by the side of it. In this
sketch the lines seem intentionally incorrect and converging to the
right (compare I. 12) instead of parallel. Compare too with this
text the drawing in red chalk from Windsor Castle which is
reproduced on Pl. XL, No. 2.]

Of the light on the face (574-576).

574.

HOW TO KNOW WHICH SIDE OF AN OBJECT IS TO BE MORE OR LESS LUMINOUS
THAN THE OTHER.

Let _f_ be the light, the head will be the object illuminated by it
and that side of the head on which the rays fall most directly will
be the most highly lighted, and those parts on which the rays fall
most aslant will be less lighted. The light falls as a blow might,
since a blow which falls perpendicularly falls with the greatest
force, and when it falls obliquely it is less forcible than the
former in proportion to the width of the angle. _Exempli gratia_ if
you throw a ball at a wall of which the extremities are equally far
from you the blow will fall straight, and if you throw the ball at
the wall when standing at one end of it the ball will hit it
obliquely and the blow will not tell.

[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI. No. 4; the sketch on the right hand side.]

575.

THE PROOF AND REASON WHY AMONG THE ILLUMINATED PARTS CERTAIN
PORTIONS ARE IN HIGHER LIGHT THAN OTHERS.

Since it is proved that every definite light is, or seems to be,
derived from one single point the side illuminated by it will have
its highest light on the portion where the line of radiance falls
perpendicularly; as is shown above in the lines _a g_, and also in
_a h_ and in _l a_; and that portion of the illuminated side will be
least luminous, where the line of incidence strikes it between two
more dissimilar angles, as is seen at _b c d_. And by this means you
may also know which parts are deprived of light as is seen at _m k_.

Where the angles made by the lines of incidence are most equal there
will be the highest light, and where they are most unequal it will
be darkest.

I will make further mention of the reason of reflections.

[Footnote: See Pl. XXXII. The text, here given complete, is on the
right hand side. The small circles above the beginning of lines 5
and 11 as well as the circle above the text on Pl. XXXI, are in a
paler ink and evidently added by a later hand in order to
distinguish the text as belonging to the _Libro di Pittura_ (see
Prolegomena. No. 12, p. 3). The text on the left hand side of this
page is given as Nos. 577 and 137.]

576.

Where the shadow should be on the face.

General suggestions for historical pictures (577-581).

577.

When you compose a historical picture take two points, one the point
of sight, and the other the source of light; and make this as
distant as possible.

578.

Historical pictures ought not to be crowded and confused with too
many figures.

579.

PRECEPTS IN PAINTING.

Let you sketches of historical pictures be swift and the working out
of the limbs not be carried too far, but limited to the position of
the limbs, which you can afterwards finish as you please and at your
leisure.

[Footnote: See Pl. XXXVIII, No. 2. The pen and ink drawing given
there as No. 3 may also be compared with this passage. It is in the
Windsor collection where it is numbered 101.]

580.

The sorest misfortune is when your views are in advance of your
work.

581.

Of composing historical pictures. Of not considering the limbs in
the figures in historical pictures; as many do who, in the wish to
represent the whole of a figure, spoil their compositions. And when
you place one figure behind another take care to draw the whole of
it so that the limbs which come in front of the nearer figures may
stand out in their natural size and place.

How to represent the differences of age and sex (582-583).

582.

How the ages of man should be depicted: that is, Infancy, Childhood,
Youth, Manhood, Old age, Decrepitude.

[Footnote: No answer is here given to this question, in the original
MS.]

583.

Old men ought to be represented with slow and heavy movements, their
legs bent at the knees, when they stand still, and their feet placed
parallel and apart; bending low with the head leaning forward, and
their arms but little extended.

Women must be represented in modest attitudes, their legs close
together, their arms closely folded, their heads inclined and
somewhat on one side.

Old women should be represented with eager, swift and furious
gestures, like infernal furies; but the action should be more
violent in their arms and head than in their legs.

Little children, with lively and contorted movements when sitting,
and, when standing still, in shy and timid attitudes.

[Footnote: _bracci raccolte_. Compare Pl. XXXIII. This drawing, in
silver point on yellowish tinted paper, the lights heightened with
white, represents two female hands laid together in a lap. Above is
a third finished study of a right hand, apparently holding a veil
from the head across the bosom. This drawing evidently dates from
before 1500 and was very probably done at Florence, perhaps as a
preparatory study for some picture. The type of hand with its
slender thin forms is more like the style of the _Vierge aux
Rochers_ in the Louvre than any later works--as the Mona Lisa for
instance.]

Of representing the emotions.

584.

THAT A FIGURE IS NOT ADMIRABLE UNLESS IT EXPRESSES BY ITS ACTION THE
PASSION OF ITS SENTIMENT.

That figure is most admirable which by its actions best expresses
the passion that animates it.

HOW AN ANGRY MAN IS TO BE FIGURED.

You must make an angry person holding someone by the hair, wrenching
his head against the ground, and with one knee on his ribs; his
right arm and fist raised on high. His hair must be thrown up, his
brow downcast and knit, his teeth clenched and the two corners of
his mouth grimly set; his neck swelled and bent forward as he leans
over his foe, and full of furrows.

HOW TO REPRESENT A MAN IN DESPAIR.

You must show a man in despair with a knife, having already torn
open his garments, and with one hand tearing open the wound. And
make him standing on his feet and his legs somewhat bent and his
whole person leaning towards the earth; his hair flying in disorder.

Of representing imaginary animals.

585.

HOW YOU SHOULD MAKE AN IMAGINARY ANIMAL LOOK NATURAL.

You know that you cannot invent animals without limbs, each of
which, in itself, must resemble those of some other animal. Hence if
you wish to make an animal, imagined by you, appear natural--let us
say a Dragon, take for its head that of a mastiff or hound, with the
eyes of a cat, the ears of a porcupine, the nose of a greyhound, the
brow of a lion, the temples of an old cock, the neck of a water
tortoise.

[Footnote: The sketch here inserted of two men on horseback fighting
a dragon is the facsimile of a pen and ink drawing belonging to
BARON EDMOND DE ROTHSCHILD of Paris.]

The selection of forms.

586.

OF THE DELUSIONS WHICH ARISE IN JUDGING OF THE LIMBS.

A painter who has clumsy hands will paint similar hands in his
works, and the same will occur with any limb, unless long study has
taught him to avoid it. Therefore, O Painter, look carefully what
part is most ill-favoured in your own person and take particular
pains to correct it in your studies. For if you are coarse, your
figures will seem the same and devoid of charm; and it is the same
with any part that may be good or poor in yourself; it will be shown
in some degree in your figures.

587.

OF THE SELECTION OF BEAUTIFUL FACES.

It seems to me to be no small charm in a painter when he gives his
figures a pleasing air, and this grace, if he have it not by nature,
he may acquire by incidental study in this way: Look about you and
take the best parts of many beautiful faces, of which the beauty is
confirmed rather by public fame than by your own judgment; for you
might be mistaken and choose faces which have some resemblance to
your own. For it would seem that such resemblances often please us;
and if you should be ugly, you would select faces that were not
beautiful and you would then make ugly faces, as many painters do.
For often a master's work resembles himself. So select beauties as I
tell you, and fix them in your mind.

588.

Of the limbs, which ought to be carefully selected, and of all the
other parts with regard to painting.

589.

When selecting figures you should choose slender ones rather than
lean and wooden ones.

590.

OF THE MUSCLES OF ANIMALS.

The hollow spaces interposed between the muscles must not be of such
a character as that the skin should seem to cover two sticks laid
side by side like _c_, nor should they seem like two sticks somewhat
remote from such contact so that the skin hangs in an empty loose
curve as at _f_; but it should be like _i_, laid over the spongy fat
that lies in the angles as the angle _n m o_; which angle is formed
by the contact of the ends of the muscles and as the skin cannot
fold down into such an angle, nature has filled up such angles with
a small quantity of spongy and, as I may say, vesicular fat, with
minute bladders [in it] full of air, which is condensed or rarefied
in them according to the increase or the diminution of the substance
of the muscles; in which latter case the concavity _i_ always has a
larger curve than the muscle.

591.

OF UNDULATING MOVEMENTS AND EQUIPOISE IN FIGURES AND OTHER ANIMALS.

When representing a human figure or some graceful animal, be careful
to avoid a wooden stiffness; that is to say make them move with
equipoise and balance so as not to look like a piece of wood; but
those you want to represent as strong you must not make so,
excepting in the turn of the head.

How to pose figures.

592.

OF GRACE IN THE LIMBS.

The limbs should be adapted to the body with grace and with
reference to the effect that you wish the figure to produce. And if
you wish to produce a figure that shall of itself look light and
graceful you must make the limbs elegant and extended, and without
too much display of the muscles; and those few that are needed for
your purpose you must indicate softly, that is, not very prominent
and without strong shadows; the limbs, and particularly the arms
easy; that is, none of the limbs should be in a straight line with
the adjoining parts. And if the hips, which are the pole of a man,
are by reason of his position, placed so, that the right is higher
than the left, make the point of the higher shoulder in a
perpendicular line above the highest prominence of the hip, and let
this right shoulder be lower than the left. Let the pit of the
throat always be over the centre of the joint of the foot on which
the man is leaning. The leg which is free should have the knee lower
than the other, and near the other leg. The positions of the head
and arms are endless and I shall therefore not enlarge on any rules
for them. Still, let them be easy and pleasing, with various turns
and twists, and the joints gracefully bent, that they may not look
like pieces of wood.

Of appropriate gestures (593-600).

593.

A picture or representation of human figures, ought to be done in
such a way as that the spectator may easily recognise, by means of
their attitudes, the purpose in their minds. Thus, if you have to
represent a man of noble character in the act of speaking, let his
gestures be such as naturally accompany good words; and, in the same
way, if you wish to depict a man of a brutal nature, give him fierce
movements; as with his arms flung out towards the listener, and his
head and breast thrust forward beyond his feet, as if following the
speaker's hands. Thus it is with a deaf and dumb person who, when he
sees two men in conversation--although he is deprived of
hearing--can nevertheless understand, from the attitudes and
gestures of the speakers, the nature of their discussion. I once saw
in Florence a man who had become deaf who, when you spoke very loud
did not understand you, but if you spoke gently and without making
any sound, understood merely from the movement of the lips. Now
perhaps you will say that the lips of a man who speaks loudly do not
move like those of one speaking softly, and that if they were to
move them alike they would be alike understood. As to this argument,
I leave the decision to experiment; make a man speak to you gently
and note [the motion of] his lips.

[Footnote: The first ten lines of this text have already been
published, but with a slightly different reading by Dr. M. JORDAN:
_Das Malerbuch Leonardo da Vinci's_ p. 86.]

594.

OF REPRESENTING A MAN SPEAKING TO A MULTITUDE.

When you wish to represent a man speaking to a number of people,
consider the matter of which he has to treat and adapt his action to
the subject. Thus, if he speaks persuasively, let his action be
appropriate to it. If the matter in hand be to set forth an
argument, let the speaker, with the fingers of the right hand hold
one finger of the left hand, having the two smaller ones closed; and
his face alert, and turned towards the people with mouth a little
open, to look as though he spoke; and if he is sitting let him
appear as though about to rise, with his head forward. If you
represent him standing make him leaning slightly forward with body
and head towards the people. These you must represent as silent and
attentive, all looking at the orator's face with gestures of
admiration; and make some old men in astonishment at the things they
hear, with the corners of their mouths pulled down and drawn in,
their cheeks full of furrows, and their eyebrows raised, and
wrinkling the forehead where they meet. Again, some sitting with
their fingers clasped holding their weary knees. Again, some bent
old man, with one knee crossed over the other; on which let him hold
his hand with his other elbow resting in it and the hand supporting
his bearded chin.

[Footnote: The sketches introduced here are a facsimile of a pen and
ink drawing in the Louvre which Herr CARL BRUN considers as studies
for the Last Supper in the church of _Santa Maria delle Grazie_ (see
Leonardo da Vinci, LXI, pp. 21, 27 and 28 in DOHME'S _Kunst und
Kunstler_, Leipzig, Seemann). I shall not here enter into any
discussion of this suggestion; but as a justification for
introducing the drawing in this place, I may point out that some of
the figures illustrate this passage as perfectly as though they had
been drawn for that express purpose. I have discussed the
probability of a connection between this sketch and the picture of
the Last Supper on p. 335. The original drawing is 27 3/4
centimetres wide by 21 high.--The drawing in silver point on reddish
paper given on Pl. LII. No. 1--the original at Windsor Castle--may
also serve to illustrate the subject of appropriate gestures,
treated in Nos. 593 and 594.]

595.

OF THE DISPOSITION OF LIMBS.

As regards the disposition of limbs in movement you will have to
consider that when you wish to represent a man who, by some chance,
has to turn backwards or to one side, you must not make him move his
feet and all his limbs towards the side to which he turns his head.
Rather must you make the action proceed by degrees and through the
different joints; that is, those of the foot, the knee and the hip
and the neck. And if you set him on the right leg, you must make the
left knee bend inwards, and let his foot be slightly raised on the
outside, and the left shoulder be somewhat lower than the right,
while the nape of the neck is in a line directly over the outer
ancle of the left foot. And the left shoulder will be in a
perpendicular line above the toes of the right foot. And always set
your figures so that the side to which the head turns is not the
side to which the breast faces, since nature for our convenience has
made us with a neck which bends with ease in many directions, the
eye wishing to turn to various points, the different joints. And if
at any time you make a man sitting with his arms at work on
something which is sideways to him, make the upper part of his body
turn upon the hips.

[Footnote: Compare Pl. VII, No. 5. The original drawing at Windsor
Castle is numbered 104.]

596.

When you draw the nude always sketch the whole figure and then
finish those limbs which seem to you the best, but make them act
with the other limbs; otherwise you will get a habit of never
putting the limbs well together on the body.

Never make the head turn the same way as the torso, nor the arm and
leg move together on the same side. And if the face is turned to the
right shoulder, make all the parts lower on the left side than on
the right; and when you turn the body with the breast outwards, if
the head turns to the left side make the parts on the right side
higher than those on the left.

[Footnote: In the original MS. a much defaced sketch is to be seen
by the side of the second part of this chapter; its faded condition
has rendered reproduction impossible. In M. RAVAISSON'S facsimile
the outlines of the head have probably been touched up. This passage
however is fitly illustrated by the drawings on Pl. XXI.]

597.

OF PAINTING.

Of the nature of movements in man. Do not repeat the same gestures
in the limbs of men unless you are compelled by the necessity of
their action, as is shown in _a b_.

[Footnote: See Pl. V, where part of the text is also reproduced. The
effaced figure to the extreme left has evidently been cancelled by
Leonardo himself as unsatisfactory.]

598.

The motions of men must be such as suggest their dignity or their
baseness.

599.

OF PAINTING.

Make your work carry out your purpose and meaning. That is when you
draw a figure consider well who it is and what you wish it to be
doing.

OF PAINTING.

With regard to any action which you give in a picture to an old man
or to a young one, you must make it more energetic in the young man
in proportion as he is stronger than the old one; and in the same
way with a young man and an infant.

600.

OF SETTING ON THE LIMBS.

The limbs which are used for labour must be muscular and those which
are not much used you must make without muscles and softly rounded.

OF THE ACTION OF THE FIGURES.

Represent your figures in such action as may be fitted to express
what purpose is in the mind of each; otherwise your art will not be
admirable.

V.

SUGGESTIONS FOR COMPOSITIONS.

Of painting battle pieces (601-603).

601.

OF THE WAY OF REPRESENTING A BATTLE.

First you must represent the smoke of artillery mingling in the air
with the dust and tossed up by the movement of horses and the
combatants. And this mixture you must express thus: The dust, being
a thing of earth, has weight; and although from its fineness it is
easily tossed up and mingles with the air, it nevertheless readily
falls again. It is the finest part that rises highest; hence that
part will be least seen and will look almost of the same colour as
the air. The higher the smoke mixed with the dust-laden air rises
towards a certain level, the more it will look like a dark cloud;
and it will be seen that at the top, where the smoke is more
separate from the dust, the smoke will assume a bluish tinge and the
dust will tend to its colour. This mixture of air, smoke and dust
will look much lighter on the side whence the light comes than on
the opposite side. The more the combatants are in this turmoil the
less will they be seen, and the less contrast will there be in their
lights and shadows. Their faces and figures and their appearance,
and the musketeers as well as those near them you must make of a
glowing red. And this glow will diminish in proportion as it is
remote from its cause.

The figures which are between you and the light, if they be at a
distance, will appear dark on a light background, and the lower part
of their legs near the ground will be least visible, because there
the dust is coarsest and densest [19]. And if you introduce horses
galloping outside the crowd, make the little clouds of dust distant
from each other in proportion to the strides made by the horses; and
the clouds which are furthest removed from the horses, should be
least visible; make them high and spreading and thin, and the nearer
ones will be more conspicuous and smaller and denser [23]. The air
must be full of arrows in every direction, some shooting upwards,
some falling, some flying level. The balls from the guns must have a
train of smoke following their flight. The figures in the foreground
you must make with dust on the hair and eyebrows and on other flat
places likely to retain it. The conquerors you will make rushing
onwards with their hair and other light things flying on the wind,
with their brows bent down,

[Footnote: 19--23. Compare 608. 57--75.]

602.

and with the opposite limbs thrust forward; that is where a man puts
forward the right foot the left arm must be advanced. And if you
make any one fallen, you must show the place where he has slipped
and been dragged along the dust into blood stained mire; and in the
half-liquid earth arround show the print of the tramping of men and
horses who have passed that way. Make also a horse dragging the dead
body of his master, and leaving behind him, in the dust and mud, the
track where the body was dragged along. You must make the conquered
and beaten pale, their brows raised and knit, and the skin above
their brows furrowed with pain, the sides of the nose with wrinkles
going in an arch from the nostrils to the eyes, and make the
nostrils drawn up--which is the cause of the lines of which I
speak--, and the lips arched upwards and discovering the upper
teeth; and the teeth apart as with crying out and lamentation. And
make some one shielding his terrified eyes with one hand, the palm
towards the enemy, while the other rests on the ground to support
his half raised body. Others represent shouting with their mouths
open, and running away. You must scatter arms of all sorts among the
feet of the combatants, as broken shields, lances, broken swords and
other such objects. And you must make the dead partly or entirely
covered with dust, which is changed into crimson mire where it has
mingled with the flowing blood whose colour shows it issuing in a
sinuous stream from the corpse. Others must be represented in the
agonies of death grinding their teeth, rolling their eyes, with
their fists clenched against their bodies and their legs contorted.
Some might be shown disarmed and beaten down by the enemy, turning
upon the foe, with teeth and nails, to take an inhuman and bitter
revenge. You might see some riderless horse rushing among the enemy,
with his mane flying in the wind, and doing no little mischief with
his heels. Some maimed warrior may be seen fallen to the earth,
covering himself with his shield, while the enemy, bending over him,
tries to deal him a deathstroke. There again might be seen a number
of men fallen in a heap over a dead horse. You would see some of the
victors leaving the fight and issuing from the crowd, rubbing their
eyes and cheeks with both hands to clean them of the dirt made by
their watering eyes smarting from the dust and smoke. The reserves
may be seen standing, hopeful but cautious; with watchful eyes,
shading them with their hands and gazing through the dense and murky
confusion, attentive to the commands of their captain. The captain
himself, his staff raised, hurries towards these auxiliaries,
pointing to the spot where they are most needed. And there may be a
river into which horses are galloping, churning up the water all
round them into turbulent waves of foam and water, tossed into the
air and among the legs and bodies of the horses. And there must not
be a level spot that is not trampled with gore.

603.

OF LIGHTING THE LOWER PARTS OF BODIES CLOSE TOGETHER, AS OF MEN IN
BATTLE.

As to men and horses represented in battle, their different parts
will be dark in proportion as they are nearer to the ground on which
they stand. And this is proved by the sides of wells which grow
darker in proportion to their depth, the reason of which is that the
deepest part of the well sees and receives a smaller amount of the
luminous atmosphere than any other part.

And the pavement, if it be of the same colour as the legs of these
said men and horses, will always be more lighted and at a more
direct angle than the said legs &c.

604.

OF THE WAY TO REPRESENT A NIGHT [SCENE].

That which is entirely bereft of light is all darkness; given a
night under these conditions and that you want to represent a night
scene,--arrange that there shall be a great fire, then the objects
which are nearest to this fire will be most tinged with its colour;
for those objects which are nearest to a coloured light participate
most in its nature; as therefore you give the fire a red colour, you
must make all the objects illuminated by it ruddy; while those which
are farther from the fire are more tinted by the black hue of night.
The figures which are seen against the fire look dark in the glare
of the firelight because that side of the objects which you see is
tinged by the darkness of the night and not by the fire; and those
who stand at the side are half dark and half red; while those who
are visible beyond the edges of the flame will be fully lighted by
the ruddy glow against a black background. As to their gestures,
make those which are near it screen themselves with their hands and
cloaks as a defence against the intense heat, and with their faces
turned away as if about to retire. Of those farther off represent
several as raising their hands to screen their eyes, hurt by the
intolerable glare.

Of depicting a tempest (605. 606).

605.

Describe a wind on land and at sea. Describe a storm of rain.

606.

HOW TO REPRESENT A TEMPEST.

If you wish to represent a tempest consider and arrange well its
effects as seen, when the wind, blowing over the face of the sea and
earth, removes and carries with it such things as are not fixed to
the general mass. And to represent the storm accurately you must
first show the clouds scattered and torn, and flying with the wind,
accompanied by clouds of sand blown up from the sea shore, and
boughs and leaves swept along by the strength and fury of the blast
and scattered with other light objects through the air. Trees and
plants must be bent to the ground, almost as if they would follow
the course of the gale, with their branches twisted out of their
natural growth and their leaves tossed and turned about [Footnote
11: See Pl. XL, No. 2.]. Of the men who are there some must have
fallen to the ground and be entangled in their garments, and hardly
to be recognized for the dust, while those who remain standing may
be behind some tree, with their arms round it that the wind may not
tear them away; others with their hands over their eyes for the
dust, bending to the ground with their clothes and hair streaming in
the wind. [Footnote 15: See Pl. XXXIV, the right hand lower sketch.]
Let the sea be rough and tempestuous and full of foam whirled among
the lofty waves, while the wind flings the lighter spray through the
stormy air, till it resembles a dense and swathing mist. Of the
ships that are therein some should be shown with rent sails and the
tatters fluttering through the air, with ropes broken and masts
split and fallen. And the ship itself lying in the trough of the sea
and wrecked by the fury of the waves with the men shrieking and
clinging to the fragments of the vessel. Make the clouds driven by
the impetuosity of the wind and flung against the lofty mountain
tops, and wreathed and torn like waves beating upon rocks; the air
itself terrible from the deep darkness caused by the dust and fog
and heavy clouds.

Of representing the deluge (607-609).

607.

TO REPRESENT THE DELUGE.

The air was darkened by the heavy rain whose oblique descent driven
aslant by the rush of the winds, flew in drifts through the air not
otherwise than as we see dust, varied only by the straight lines of
the heavy drops of falling water. But it was tinged with the colour
of the fire kindled by the thunder-bolts by which the clouds were
rent and shattered; and whose flashes revealed the broad waters of
the inundated valleys, above which was seen the verdure of the
bending tree tops. Neptune will be seen in the midst of the water
with his trident, and [15] let AEolus with his winds be shown
entangling the trees floating uprooted, and whirling in the huge
waves. The horizon and the whole hemisphere were obscure, but lurid
from the flashes of the incessant lightning. Men and birds might be
seen crowded on the tall trees which remained uncovered by the
swelling waters, originators of the mountains which surround the
great abysses [Footnote 23: Compare Vol. II. No. 979.].

608.

OF THE DELUGE AND HOW TO REPRESENT IT IN A PICTURE.

Let the dark and gloomy air be seen buffeted by the rush of contrary
winds and dense from the continued rain mingled with hail and
bearing hither and thither an infinite number of branches torn from
the trees and mixed with numberless leaves. All round may be seen
venerable trees, uprooted and stripped by the fury of the winds; and
fragments of mountains, already scoured bare by the torrents,
falling into those torrents and choking their valleys till the
swollen rivers overflow and submerge the wide lowlands and their
inhabitants. Again, you might have seen on many of the hill-tops
terrified animals of different kinds, collected together and subdued
to tameness, in company with men and women who had fled there with
their children. The waters which covered the fields, with their
waves were in great part strewn with tables, bedsteads, boats and
various other contrivances made from necessity and the fear of
death, on which were men and women with their children amid sounds
of lamentation and weeping, terrified by the fury of the winds which
with their tempestuous violence rolled the waters under and over and
about the bodies of the drowned. Nor was there any object lighter
than the water which was not covered with a variety of animals
which, having come to a truce, stood together in a frightened
crowd--among them wolves, foxes, snakes and others--fleing from
death. And all the waters dashing on their shores seemed to be
battling them with the blows of drowned bodies, blows which killed
those in whom any life remained [19]. You might have seen
assemblages of men who, with weapons in their hands, defended the
small spots that remained to them against lions, wolves and beasts
of prey who sought safety there. Ah! what dreadful noises were heard
in the air rent by the fury of the thunder and the lightnings it
flashed forth, which darted from the clouds dealing ruin and
striking all that opposed its course. Ah! how many you might have
seen closing their ears with their hands to shut out the tremendous
sounds made in the darkened air by the raging of the winds mingling
with the rain, the thunders of heaven and the fury of the
thunder-bolts. Others were not content with shutting their eyes, but
laid their hands one over the other to cover them the closer that
they might not see the cruel slaughter of the human race by the
wrath of God. Ah! how many laments! and how many in their terror
flung themselves from the rocks! Huge branches of great oaks loaded
with men were seen borne through the air by the impetuous fury of
the winds. How many were the boats upset, some entire, and some
broken in pieces, on the top of people labouring to escape with
gestures and actions of grief foretelling a fearful death. Others,
with desperate act, took their own lives, hopeless of being able to
endure such suffering; and of these, some flung themselves from
lofty rocks, others strangled themselves with their own hands, other
seized their own children and violently slew them at a blow; some
wounded and killed themselves with their own weapons; others,
falling on their knees recommended themselves to God. Ah! how many
mothers wept over their drowned sons, holding them upon their knees,
with arms raised spread out towards heaven and with words and
various threatening gestures, upbraiding the wrath of the gods.
Others with clasped hands and fingers clenched gnawed them and
devoured them till they bled, crouching with their breast down on
their knees in their intense and unbearable anguish. Herds of
animals were to be seen, such as horses, oxen, goats and swine
already environed by the waters and left isolated on the high peaks
of the mountains, huddled together, those in the middle climbing to
the top and treading on the others, and fighting fiercely
themselves; and many would die for lack of food. Already had the
birds begun to settle on men and on other animals, finding no land
uncovered which was not occupied by living beings, and already had
famine, the minister of death, taken the lives of the greater number
of the animals, when the dead bodies, now fermented, where leaving
the depth of the waters and were rising to the top. Among the
buffeting waves, where they were beating one against the other, and,
like as balls full of air, rebounded from the point of concussion,
these found a resting place on the bodies of the dead. And above
these judgements, the air was seen covered with dark clouds, riven
by the forked flashes of the raging bolts of heaven, lighting up on
all sides the depth of the gloom.

The motion of the air is seen by the motion of the dust thrown up by
the horse's running and this motion is as swift in again filling up
the vacuum left in the air which enclosed the horse, as he is rapid
in passing away from the air.

Perhaps it will seem to you that you may reproach me with having
represented the currents made through the air by the motion of the
wind notwithstanding that the wind itself is not visible in the air.
To this I must answer that it is not the motion of the wind but only
the motion of the things carried along by it which is seen in the
air.

THE DIVISIONS. [Footnote 76: These observations, added at the bottom
of the page containing the full description of the doluge seem to
indicate that it was Leonardo's intention to elaborate the subject
still farther in a separate treatise.]

Darkness, wind, tempest at sea, floods of water, forests on fire,
rain, bolts from heaven, earthquakes and ruins of mountains,
overthrow of cities [Footnote 81: _Spianamenti di citta_ (overthrow
of cities). A considerable number of drawings in black chalk, at
Windsor, illustrate this catastrophe. Most of them are much rubbed;
one of the least injured is reproduced at Pl. XXXIX. Compare also
the pen and ink sketch Pl. XXXVI.].

Whirlwinds which carry water [spouts] branches of trees, and men
through the air.

Boughs stripped off by the winds, mingling by the meeting of the
winds, with people upon them.

Broken trees loaded with people.

Ships broken to pieces, beaten on rocks.

Flocks of sheep. Hail stones, thunderbolts, whirlwinds.

People on trees which are unable to to support them; trees and
rocks, towers and hills covered with people, boats, tables, troughs,
and other means of floating. Hills covered with men, women and
animals; and lightning from the clouds illuminating every thing.

[Footnote: This chapter, which, with the next one, is written on a
loose sheet, seems to be the passage to which one of the compilers
of the Vatican copy alluded when he wrote on the margin of fol. 36:
"_Qua mi ricordo della mirabile discritione del Diluuio dello
autore._" It is scarcely necessary to point out that these chapters
are among those which have never before been published. The
description in No. 607 may be regarded as a preliminary sketch for
this one. As the MS. G. (in which it is to be found) must be
attributed to the period of about 1515 we may deduce from it the
approximate date of the drawings on Pl. XXXIV, XXXV, Nos. 2 and 3,
XXXVI and XXXVII, since they obviously belong to this text. The
drawings No. 2 on Pl. XXXV are, in the original, side by side with
the text of No. 608; lines 57 to 76 are shown in the facsimile. In
the drawing in Indian ink given on Pl. XXXIV we see Wind-gods in the
sky, corresponding to the allusion to Aeolus in No. 607 1.
15.-Plates XXXVI and XXXVII form one sheet in the original. The
texts reproduced on these Plates have however no connection with the
sketches, excepting the sketches of clouds on the right hand side.
These texts are given as No. 477. The group of small figures on Pl.
XXXVII, to the left, seems to be intended for a '_congregatione
d'uomini._' See No. 608, 1. 19.]

609.

DESCRIPTION OF THE DELUGE.

Let there be first represented the summit of a rugged mountain with
valleys surrounding its base, and on its sides let the surface of
the soil be seen to slide, together with the small roots of the
bushes, denuding great portions of the surrounding rocks. And
descending ruinous from these precipices in its boisterous course,
let it dash along and lay bare the twisted and gnarled roots of
large trees overthrowing their roots upwards; and let the mountains,
as they are scoured bare, discover the profound fissures made in
them by ancient earthquakes. The base of the mountains may be in
great part clothed and covered with ruins of shrubs, hurled down
from the sides of their lofty peaks, which will be mixed with mud,
roots, boughs of trees, with all sorts of leaves thrust in with the
mud and earth and stones. And into the depth of some valley may have
fallen the fragments of a mountain forming a shore to the swollen
waters of its river; which, having already burst its banks, will
rush on in monstrous waves; and the greatest will strike upon and
destroy the walls of the cities and farmhouses in the valley [14].
Then the ruins of the high buildings in these cities will throw up a
great dust, rising up in shape like smoke or wreathed clouds against
the falling rain; But the swollen waters will sweep round the pool
which contains them striking in eddying whirlpools against the
different obstacles, and leaping into the air in muddy foam; then,
falling back, the beaten water will again be dashed into the air.
And the whirling waves which fly from the place of concussion, and
whose impetus moves them across other eddies going in a contrary
direction, after their recoil will be tossed up into the air but
without dashing off from the surface. Where the water issues from
the pool the spent waves will be seen spreading out towards the
outlet; and there falling or pouring through the air and gaining
weight and impetus they will strike on the water below piercing it
and rushing furiously to reach its depth; from which being thrown
back it returns to the surface of the lake, carrying up the air that
was submerged with it; and this remains at the outlet in foam
mingled with logs of wood and other matters lighter than water.
Round these again are formed the beginnings of waves which increase
the more in circumference as they acquire more movement; and this
movement rises less high in proportion as they acquire a broader
base and thus they are less conspicuous as they die away. But if
these waves rebound from various objects they then return in direct
opposition to the others following them, observing the same law of
increase in their curve as they have already acquired in the
movement they started with. The rain, as it falls from the clouds is
of the same colour as those clouds, that is in its shaded side;
unless indeed the sun's rays should break through them; in that case
the rain will appear less dark than the clouds. And if the heavy
masses of ruin of large mountains or of other grand buildings fall
into the vast pools of water, a great quantity will be flung into
the air and its movement will be in a contrary direction to that of
the object which struck the water; that is to say: The angle of
reflection will be equal to the angle of incidence. Of the objects
carried down by the current, those which are heaviest or rather
largest in mass will keep farthest from the two opposite shores. The
water in the eddies revolves more swiftly in proportion as it is
nearer to their centre. The crests of the waves of the sea tumble to
their bases falling with friction on the bubbles of their sides; and
this friction grinds the falling water into minute particles and
this being converted into a dense mist, mingles with the gale in the
manner of curling smoke and wreathing clouds, and at last it, rises
into the air and is converted into clouds. But the rain which falls
through the atmosphere being driven and tossed by the winds becomes
rarer or denser according to the rarity or density of the winds that
buffet it, and thus there is generated in the atmosphere a moisture
formed of the transparent particles of the rain which is near to the
eye of the spectator. The waves of the sea which break on the slope
of the mountains which bound it, will foam from the velocity with
which they fall against these hills; in rushing back they will meet
the next wave as it comes and and after a loud noise return in a
great flood to the sea whence they came. Let great numbers of
inhabitants--men and animals of all kinds--be seen driven [54] by
the rising of the deluge to the peaks of the mountains in the midst
of the waters aforesaid.

The wave of the sea at Piombino is all foaming water. [Footnote 55.
56: These two lines are written below the bottom sketch on Pl. XXXV,
3. The MS. Leic. being written about the year 1510 or later, it does
not seem to me to follow that the sketches must have been made at
Piombino, where Leonardo was in the year 1502 and possibly returned
there subsequently (see Vol. II. Topographical notes).]

Of the water which leaps up from the spot where great masses fall on
its surface. Of the winds of Piombino at Piombino. Eddies of wind
and rain with boughs and shrubs mixed in the air. Emptying the boats
of the rain water.

[Footnote: The sketches on Pl. XXXV 3 stand by the side of lines 14
to 54.]

Of depicting natural phenomena (610. 611).

610.

The tremendous fury of the wind driven by the falling in of the
hills on the caves within--by the falling of the hills which served
as roofs to these caverns.

A stone flung through the air leaves on the eye which sees it the
impression of its motion, and the same effect is produced by the
drops of water which fall from the clouds when it [16] rains.

[17] A mountain falling on a town, will fling up dust in the form of
clouds; but the colour of this dust will differ from that of the
clouds. Where the rain is thickest let the colour of the dust be
less conspicuous and where the dust is thickest let the rain be less
conspicuous. And where the rain is mingled with the wind and with
the dust the clouds created by the rain must be more transparent
than those of dust [alone]. And when flames of fire are mingled with
clouds of smoke and water very opaque and dark clouds will be formed
[Footnote 26-28: Compare Pl. XL, 1--the drawing in Indian ink on the
left hand side, which seems to be a reminiscence of his observations
of an eruption (see his remarks on Mount Etna in Vol II).]. And the
rest of this subject will be treated in detail in the book on
painting.

[Footnote: See the sketches and text on Pl. XXXVIII, No. 1. Lines
1-16 are there given on the left hand side, 17-30 on the right. The
four lines at the bottom on the right are given as No. 472. Above
these texts, which are written backwards, there are in the original
sixteen lines in a larger writing from left to right, but only half
of this is here visible. They treat of the physical laws of motion
of air and water. It does not seem to me that there is any reason
for concluding that this writing from left to right is spurious.
Compare with it the facsimile of the rough copy of Leonardo's letter
to Ludovico il Moro in Vol. II.]

611.

People were to be seen eagerly embarking victuals on various kinds
of hastily made barks. But little of the waves were visible in those
places where the dark clouds and rain were reflected.

But where the flashes caused by the bolts of heaven were reflected,
there were seen as many bright spots, caused by the image of the
flashes, as there were waves to reflect them to the eye of the
spectator.

The number of the images produced by the flash of lightning on the
waves of the water were multiplied in proportion to the distance of
the spectator's eye.

So also the number of the images was diminished in proportion as
they were nearer the eye which saw them [Footnote 22. 23: _Com'e
provato_. See Vol. II, Nos. 874-878 and 892-901], as it has been
proved in the definition of the luminosity of the moon, and of our
marine horizon when the sun's rays are reflected in it and the eye
which receives the reflection is remote from the sea.

VI.

THE ARTIST'S MATERIALS.

Of chalk and paper (612--617).

612.

To make points [crayons] for colouring dry. Temper with a little wax
and do not dry it; which wax you must dissolve with water: so that
when the white lead is thus tempered, the water being distilled, may
go off in vapour and the wax may remain; you will thus make good
crayons; but you must know that the colours must be ground with a
hot stone.

613.

Chalk dissolves in wine and in vinegar or in aqua fortis and can be
recombined with gum.

614.

PAPER FOR DRAWING UPON IN BLACK BY THE AID OF YOUR SPITTLE.

Take powdered gall nuts and vitriol, powder them and spread them on
paper like a varnish, then write on it with a pen wetted with
spittle and it will turn as black as ink.

615.

If you want to make foreshortened letters stretch the paper in a
drawing frame and then draw your letters and cut them out, and make
the sunbeams pass through the holes on to another stretched paper,
and then fill up the angles that are wanting.

616.

This paper should be painted over with candle soot tempered with
thin glue, then smear the leaf thinly with white lead in oil as is
done to the letters in printing, and then print in the ordinary way.
Thus the leaf will appear shaded in the hollows and lighted on the
parts in relief; which however comes out here just the contrary.

[Footnote: This text, which accompanies a facsimile impression of a
leaf of sage, has already been published in the _Saggio delle Opere
di L. da Vinci_, Milano 1872, p. 11. G. GOVI observes on this
passage: "_Forse aveva egli pensato ancora a farsi un erbario, od
almeno a riprodurre facilmente su carta le forme e i particolari
delle foglie di diverse piante; poiche (modificando un metodo che
probabilmente gli eia stato insegnato da altri, e che piu tardi si
legge ripetuto in molti ricettarii e libri di segreti), accanto a
una foglia di Salvia impressa in nero su carta bianca, lascio
scritto: Questa carta ...

Erano i primi tentativi di quella riproduzione immediata delle parti
vegetali, che poi sotto il nome d'Impressione Naturale, fu condotta
a tanta perfezione in questi ultimi tempi dal signor de Hauer e da
altri_."]

617.

Very excellent will be a stiff white paper, made of the usual
mixture and filtered milk of an herb called calves foot; and when
this paper is prepared and damped and folded and wrapped up it may
be mixed with the mixture and thus left to dry; but if you break it
before it is moistened it becomes somewhat like the thin paste
called _lasagne_ and you may then damp it and wrap it up and put it
in the mixture and leave it to dry; or again this paper may be
covered with stiff transparent white and _sardonio_ and then damped
so that it may not form angles and then covered up with strong
transparent size and as soon as it is firm cut it two fingers, and
leave it to dry; again you may make stiff cardboard of _sardonio_
and dry it and then place it between two sheets of papyrus and break
it inside with a wooden mallet with a handle and then open it with
care holding the lower sheet of paper flat and firm so that the
broken pieces be not separated; then have a sheet of paper covered
with hot glue and apply it on the top of all these pieces and let
them stick fast; then turn it upside down and apply transparent size
several times in the spaces between the pieces, each time pouring in
first some black and then some stiff white and each time leaving it
to dry; then smooth it and polish it.

On the preparation and use of colours (618-627).

618.

To make a fine green take green and mix it with bitumen and you will
make the shadows darker. Then, for lighter [shades] green with
yellow ochre, and for still lighter green with yellow, and for the
high lights pure yellow; then mix green and turmeric together and
glaze every thing with it. To make a fine red take cinnabar or red
chalk or burnt ochre for the dark shadows and for the lighter ones
red chalk and vermilion and for the lights pure vermilion and then
glaze with fine lake. To make good oil for painting. One part of
oil, one of the first refining and one of the second.

619.

Use black in the shadow, and in the lights white, yellow, green,
vermilion and lake. Medium shadows; take the shadow as above and mix
it with the flesh tints just alluded to, adding to it a little
yellow and a little green and occasionally some lake; for the
shadows take green and lake for the middle shades.

[Footnote 618 and 619: If we may judge from the flourishes with
which the writing is ornamented these passages must have been
written in Leonardo's youth.]

620.

You can make a fine ochre by the same method as you use to make
white.

621.

A FINE YELLOW.

Dissolve realgar with one part of orpiment, with aqua fortis.

WHITE.

Put the white into an earthen pot, and lay it no thicker than a
string, and let it stand in the sun undisturbed for 2 days; and in
the morning when the sun has dried off the night dews.

622.

To make reddish black for flesh tints take red rock crystals from
Rocca Nova or garnets and mix them a little; again armenian bole is
good in part.

623.

The shadow will be burnt ,terra-verte'.

624.

THE PROPORTIONS OF COLOURS.

If one ounce of black mixed with one ounce of white gives a certain
shade of darkness, what shade of darkness will be produced by 2
ounces of black to 1 ounce of white?

625.

Remix black, greenish yellow and at the end blue.

626.

Verdigris with aloes, or gall or turmeric makes a fine green and so
it does with saffron or burnt orpiment; but I doubt whether in a
short time they will not turn black. Ultramarine blue and glass
yellow mixed together make a beautiful green for fresco, that is
wall-painting. Lac and verdigris make a good shadow for blue in oil
painting.

627.

Grind verdigris many times coloured with lemon juice and keep it
away from yellow (?).

Of preparing the panel.

628.

TO PREPARE A PANEL FOR PAINTING ON.

The panel should be cypress or pear or service-tree or walnut. You
must coat it over with mastic and turpentine twice distilled and
white or, if you like, lime, and put it in a frame so that it may
expand and shrink according to its moisture and dryness. Then give
it [a coat] of aqua vitae in which you have dissolved arsenic or
[corrosive] sublimate, 2 or 3 times. Then apply boiled linseed oil
in such a way as that it may penetrate every part, and before it is
cold rub it well with a cloth to dry it. Over this apply liquid
varnish and white with a stick, then wash it with urine when it is
dry, and dry it again. Then pounce and outline your drawing finely
and over it lay a priming of 30 parts of verdigris with one of
verdigris with two of yellow.

[Footnote: M. RAVAISSON'S reading varies from mine in the following
passages:

1._opero allor [?] bo [alloro?]_ = "_ou bien de [laurier]_."

6. _fregalo bene con un panno_. He reads _pane_ for _panno_ and
renders it. "_Frotte le bien avec un pain de facon [jusqu'a ce]
qu'il_" etc.

7. _colla stecca po laua_. He reads "_polacca_" = "_avec le couteau
de bois [?] polonais [?]_."]

The preparation of oils (629--634).

629.

OIL.

Make some oil of mustard seed; and if you wish to make it with
greater ease mix the ground seeds with linseed oil and put it all
under the press.

630.

TO REMOVE THE SMELL OF OIL.

Take the rank oil and put ten pints into a jar and make a mark on
the jar at the height of the oil; then add to it a pint of vinegar
and make it boil till the oil has sunk to the level of the mark and
thus you will be certain that the oil is returned to its original
quantity and the vinegar will have gone off in vapour, carrying with
it the evil smell; and I believe you may do the same with nut oil or
any other oil that smells badly.

631.

Since walnuts are enveloped in a thin rind, which partakes of the
nature of ..., if you do not remove it when you make the oil from
them, this skin tinges the oil, and when you work with it this skin
separates from the oil and rises to the surface of the painting, and
this is what makes it change.

632.

TO RESTORE OIL COLOURS THAT HAVE BECOME DRY.

If you want to restore oil colours that have become dry keep them
soaking in soft soap for a night and, with your finger, mix them up
with the soft soap; then pour them into a cup and wash them with
water, and in this way you can restore colours that have got dry.
But take care that each colour has its own vessel to itself adding
the colour by degrees as you restore it and mind that they are
thoroughly softened, and when you wish to use them for tempera wash
them five and six times with spring water, and leave them to settle;
if the soft soap should be thick with any of the colours pass it
through a filter. [Footnote: The same remark applies to these
sections as to No. 618 and 619.]

633.

OIL.

Mustard seed pounded with linseed oil.

634.

... outside the bowl 2 fingers lower than the level of the oil, and
pass it into the neck of a bottle and let it stand and thus all the
oil will separate from this milky liquid; it will enter the bottle
and be as clear as crystal; and grind your colours with this, and
every coarse or viscid part will remain in the liquid. You must know
that all the oils that have been created in seads or fruits are
quite clear by nature, and the yellow colour you see in them only
comes of your not knowing how to draw it out. Fire or heat by its
nature has the power to make them acquire colour. See for example
the exudation or gums of trees which partake of the nature of rosin;
in a short time they harden because there is more heat in them than
in oil; and after some time they acquire a certain yellow hue
tending to black. But oil, not having so much heat does not do so;
although it hardens to some extent into sediment it becomes finer.
The change in oil which occurs in painting proceeds from a certain
fungus of the nature of a husk which exists in the skin which covers
the nut, and this being crushed along with the nuts and being of a
nature much resembling oil mixes with it; it is of so subtle a
nature that it combines with all colours and then comes to the
surface, and this it is which makes them change. And if you want the
oil to be good and not to thicken, put into it a little camphor
melted over a slow fire and mix it well with the oil and it will
never harden.

[Footnote: The same remark applies to these sections as to No. 618
and 619.]

On varnishes [or powders] (635-637).

635.

VARNISH [OR POWDER].

Take cypress [oil] and distil it and have a large pitcher, and put
in the extract with so much water as may make it appear like amber,
and cover it tightly so that none may evaporate. And when it is
dissolved you may add in your pitcher as much of the said solution,
as shall make it liquid to your taste. And you must know that amber
is the gum of the cypress-tree.

VARNISH [OR POWDER].

And since varnish [powder] is the resin of juniper, if you distil
juniper you can dissolve the said varnish [powder] in the essence,
as explained above.

636.

VARNISH [OR POWDER].

Notch a juniper tree and give it water at the roots, mix the liquor
which exudes with nut-oil and you will have a perfect varnish
[powder], made like amber varnish [powder], fine and of the best
quality make it in May or April.

637.

VARNISH [OR POWDER].

Mercury with Jupiter and Venus,--a paste made of these must be
corrected by the mould (?) continuously, until Mercury separates
itself entirely from Jupiter and Venus. [Footnote: Here, and in No.
641 _Mercurio_ seems to mean quicksilver, _Giove_ stands for iron,
_Venere_ for copper and _Saturno_ for lead.]

On chemical materials (638-650).

638.

Note how aqua vitae absorbs into itself all the colours and smells
of flowers. If you want to make blue put iris flowers into it and
for red solanum berries (?)

639.

Salt may be made from human excrement burnt and calcined and made
into lees, and dried by a slow fire, and all dung in like manner
yields salt, and these salts when distilled are very pungent.

640.

Sea water filtered through mud or clay, leaves all its saltness in
it. Woollen stuffs placed on board ship absorb fresh water. If sea
water is distilled under a retort it becomes of the first excellence
and any one who has a little stove in his kitchen can, with the same
wood as he cooks with, distil a great quantity of water if the
retort is a large one.

641.

MOULD(?).

The mould (?) may be of Venus, or of Jupiter and Saturn and placed
frequently in the fire. And it should be worked with fine emery and
the mould (?) should be of Venus and Jupiter impasted over (?)
Venus. But first you will test Venus and Mercury mixed with Jove,
and take means to cause Mercury to disperse; and then fold them well
together so that Venus or Jupiter be connected as thinly as
possible.

[Footnote: See the note to 637.]

642.

Nitre, vitriol, cinnabar, alum, salt ammoniac, sublimated mercury,
rock salt, alcali salt, common salt, rock alum, alum schist (?),
arsenic, sublimate, realgar, tartar, orpiment, verdegris.

643.

Pitch four ounces virgin wax, four ounces incense, two ounces oil of
roses one ounce.

644.

Four ounces virgin wax, four ounces Greek pitch, two ounces incense,
one ounce oil of roses, first melt the wax and oil then the Greek
pitch then the other things in powder.

645.

Very thin glass may be cut with scissors and when placed over inlaid
work of bone, gilt, or stained of other colours you can saw it
through together with the bone and then put it together and it will
retain a lustre that will not be scratched nor worn away by rubbing
with the hand.

646.

TO DILUTE WHITE WINE AND MAKE IT PURPLE.

Powder gall nuts and let this stand 8 days in the white wine; and in
the same way dissolve vitriol in water, and let the water stand and
settle very clear, and the wine likewise, each by itself, and strain
them well; and when you dilute the white wine with the water the
wine will become red.

647.

Put marcasite into aqua fortis and if it turns green, know that it
has copper in it. Take it out with saltpetre and soft soap.

648.

A white horse may have the spots removed with the Spanish haematite
or with aqua fortis or with ... Removes the black hair on a white
horse with the singeing iron. Force him to the ground.

649.

FIRE.

If you want to make a fire which will set a hall in a blaze without
injury do this: first perfume the hall with a dense smoke of incense
or some other odoriferous substance: It is a good trick to play. Or
boil ten pounds of brandy to evaporate, but see that the hall is
completely closed and throw up some powdered varnish among the fumes
and this powder will be supported by the smoke; then go into the
room suddenly with a lighted torch and at once it will be in a
blaze.

650.

FIRE.

Take away that yellow surface which covers oranges and distill them
in an alembic, until the distillation may be said to be perfect.

FIRE.

Close a room tightly and have a brasier of brass or iron with fire
in it and sprinkle on it two pints of aqua vitae, a little at a
time, so that it may be converted into smoke. Then make some one
come in with a light and suddenly you will see the room in a blaze
like a flash of lightning, and it will do no harm to any one.

VII.

PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY OF THE ART OF PAINTING.

The relation of art and nature (651. 652).

651.

What is fair in men, passes away, but not so in art.

652.

HE WHO DESPISES PAINTING LOVES NEITHER PHILOSOPHY NOR NATURE.

If you condemn painting, which is the only imitator of all visible
works of nature, you will certainly despise a subtle invention which
brings philosophy and subtle speculation to the consideration of the
nature of all forms--seas and plains, trees, animals, plants and
flowers--which are surrounded by shade and light. And this is true
knowledge and the legitimate issue of nature; for painting is born
of nature--or, to speak more correctly, we will say it is the
grandchild of nature; for all visible things are produced by nature,
and these her children have given birth to painting. Hence we may
justly call it the grandchild of nature and related to God.

Painting is superior to poetry (653. 654).

653.

THAT PAINTING SURPASSES ALL HUMAN WORKS BY THE SUBTLE CONSIDERATIONS
BELONGING TO IT.

The eye, which is called the window of the soul, is the principal
means by which the central sense can most completely and abundantly
appreciate the infinite works of nature; and the ear is the second,
which acquires dignity by hearing of the things the eye has seen. If
you, historians, or poets, or mathematicians had not seen things
with your eyes you could not report of them in writing. And if you,
0 poet, tell a story with your pen, the painter with his brush can
tell it more easily, with simpler completeness and less tedious to
be understood. And if you call painting dumb poetry, the painter may
call poetry blind painting. Now which is the worse defect? to be
blind or dumb? Though the poet is as free as the painter in the
invention of his fictions they are not so satisfactory to men as
paintings; for, though poetry is able to describe forms, actions and
places in words, the painter deals with the actual similitude of the
forms, in order to represent them. Now tell me which is the nearer
to the actual man: the name of man or the image of the man. The name
of man differs in different countries, but his form is never changed
but by death.

654.

And if the poet gratifies the sense by means of the ear, the painter
does so by the eye--the worthier sense; but I will say no more of
this but that, if a good painter represents the fury of a battle,
and if a poet describes one, and they are both together put before
the public, you will see where most of the spectators will stop, to
which they will pay most attention, on which they will bestow most
praise, and which will satisfy them best. Undoubtedly painting being
by a long way the more intelligible and beautiful, will please most.
Write up the name of God [Christ] in some spot and setup His image
opposite and you will see which will be most reverenced. Painting
comprehends in itself all the forms of nature, while you have
nothing but words, which are not universal as form is, and if you
have the effects of the representation, we have the representation
of the effects. Take a poet who describes the beauty of a lady to
her lover and a painter who represents her and you will see to which
nature guides the enamoured critic. Certainly the proof should be
allowed to rest on the verdict of experience. You have ranked
painting among the mechanical arts but, in truth, if painters were
as apt at praising their own works in writing as you are, it would
not lie under the stigma of so base a name. If you call it
mechanical because it is, in the first place, manual, and that it is
the hand which produces what is to be found in the imagination, you
too writers, who set down manually with the pen what is devised in
your mind. And if you say it is mechanical because it is done for
money, who falls into this error--if error it can be called--more
than you? If you lecture in the schools do you not go to whoever
pays you most? Do you do any work without pay? Still, I do not say
this as blaming such views, for every form of labour looks for its
reward. And if a poet should say: "I will invent a fiction with a
great purpose," the painter can do the same, as Apelles painted
Calumny. If you were to say that poetry is more eternal, I say the
works of a coppersmith are more eternal still, for time preserves
them longer than your works or ours; nevertheless they have not much
imagination [29]. And a picture, if painted on copper with enamel
colours may be yet more permanent. We, by our arts may be called the
grandsons of God. If poetry deals with moral philosophy, painting
deals with natural philosophy. Poetry describes the action of the
mind, painting considers what the mind may effect by the motions [of
the body]. If poetry can terrify people by hideous fictions,
painting can do as much by depicting the same things in action.
Supposing that a poet applies himself to represent beauty, ferocity,
or a base, a foul or a monstrous thing, as against a painter, he may
in his ways bring forth a variety of forms; but will the painter not
satisfy more? are there not pictures to be seen, so like the actual
things, that they deceive men and animals?

Painting is superior to sculpture (655. 656).

655.

THAT SCULPTURE IS LESS INTELLECTUAL THAN PAINTING, AND LACKS MANY
CHARACTERISTICS OF NATURE.

I myself, having exercised myself no less in sculpture than in
painting and doing both one and the other in the same degree, it
seems to me that I can, without invidiousness, pronounce an opinion
as to which of the two is of the greatest merit and difficulty and
perfection. In the first place sculpture requires a certain light,
that is from above, a picture carries everywhere with it its own
light and shade. Thus sculpture owes its importance to light and
shade, and the sculptor is aided in this by the nature, of the
relief which is inherent in it, while the painter whose art
expresses the accidental aspects of nature, places his effects in
the spots where nature must necessarily produce them. The sculptor
cannot diversify his work by the various natural colours of objects;
painting is not defective in any particular. The sculptor when he
uses perspective cannot make it in any way appear true; that of the
painter can appear like a hundred miles beyond the picture itself.
Their works have no aerial perspective whatever, they cannot
represent transparent bodies, they cannot represent luminous bodies,
nor reflected lights, nor lustrous bodies--as mirrors and the like
polished surfaces, nor mists, nor dark skies, nor an infinite number
of things which need not be told for fear of tedium. As regards the
power of resisting time, though they have this resistance [Footnote
19: From what is here said as to painting on copper it is very
evident that Leonardo was not acquainted with the method of painting
in oil on thin copper plates, introduced by the Flemish painters of
the XVIIth century. J. LERMOLIEFF has already pointed out that in
the various collections containing pictures by the great masters of
the Italian Renaissance, those painted on copper (for instance the
famous reading Magdalen in the Dresden Gallery) are the works of a
much later date (see _Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst_. Vol. X pg.
333, and: _Werke italienischer Master in den Galerien von Munchen,
Dresden und Berlin_. Leipzig 1880, pg. 158 and 159.)--Compare No.
654, 29.], a picture painted on thick copper covered with white
enamel on which it is painted with enamel colours and then put into
the fire again and baked, far exceeds sculpture in permanence. It
may be said that if a mistake is made it is not easy to remedy it;
it is but a poor argument to try to prove that a work be the nobler
because oversights are irremediable; I should rather say that it
will be more difficult to improve the mind of the master who makes
such mistakes than to repair the work he has spoilt.

656.

We know very well that a really experienced and good painter will
not make such mistakes; on the contrary, with sound rules he will
remove so little at a time that he will bring his work to a good
issue. Again the sculptor if working in clay or wax, can add or
reduce, and when his model is finished it can easily be cast in
bronze, and this is the last operation and is the most permanent
form of sculpture. Inasmuch as that which is merely of marble is
liable to ruin, but not bronze. Hence a painting done on copper
which as I said of painting may be added to or altered, resembles
sculpture in bronze, which, having first been made in wax could then
be altered or added to; and if sculpture in bronze is durable, this
work in copper and enamel is absolutely imperishable. Bronze is but
dark and rough after all, but this latter is covered with various
and lovely colours in infinite variety, as has been said above; or
if you will have me only speak of painting on panel, I am content to
pronounce between it and sculpture; saying that painting is the more
beautiful and the more imaginative and the more copious, while
sculpture is the more durable but it has nothing else. Sculpture
shows with little labour what in painting appears a miraculous thing
to do; to make what is impalpable appear palpable, flat objects
appear in relief, distant objects seem close. In fact painting is
adorned with infinite possibilities which sculpture cannot command.

Aphorisms (657-659).

657.

OF PAINTING.

Men and words are ready made, and you, O Painter, if you do not know
how to make your figures move, are like an orator who knows not how
to use his words.

658.

As soon as the poet ceases to represent in words what exists in
nature, he in fact ceases to resemble the painter; for if the poet,
leaving such representation, proceeds to describe the flowery and
flattering speech of the figure, which he wishes to make the
speaker, he then is an orator and no longer a poet nor a painter.
And if he speaks of the heavens he becomes an astrologer, and
philosopher; and a theologian, if he discourses of nature or God.
But, if he restricts himself to the description of objects, he would
enter the lists against the painter, if with words he could satisfy
the eye as the painter does.

659.

Though you may be able to tell or write the exact description of
forms, the painter can so depict them that they will appear alive,
with the shadow and light which show the expression of a face; which
you cannot accomplish with the pen though it can be achieved by the
brush.

On the history of painting (660. 661).

660.

THAT PAINTING DECLINES AND DETERIORATES FROM AGE TO AGE, WHEN
PAINTERS HAVE NO OTHER STANDARD THAN PAINTING ALREADY DONE.

Hence the painter will produce pictures of small merit if he takes
for his standard the pictures of others. But if he will study from
natural objects he will bear good fruit; as was seen in the painters
after the Romans who always imitated each other and so their art
constantly declined from age to age. After these came Giotto the
Florentine who--not content with imitating the works of Cimabue his
master--being born in the mountains and in a solitude inhabited only
by goats and such beasts, and being guided by nature to his art,
began by drawing on the rocks the movements of the goats of which he
was keeper. And thus he began to draw all the animals which were to
be found in the country, and in such wise that after much study he
excelled not only all the masters of his time but all those of many
bygone ages. Afterwards this art declined again, because everyone
imitated the pictures that were already done; thus it went on from
century to century until Tomaso, of Florence, nicknamed Masaccio,
showed by his perfect works how those who take for their standard
any one but nature--the mistress of all masters--weary themselves in
vain. And, I would say about these mathematical studies that those
who only study the authorities and not the works of nature are
descendants but not sons of nature the mistress of all good authors.
Oh! how great is the folly of those who blame those who learn from
nature [Footnote 22: _lasciando stare li autori_. In this
observation we may detect an indirect evidence that Leonardo
regarded his knowledge of natural history as derived from his own
investigations, as well as his theories of perspective and optics.
Compare what he says in praise of experience (Vol II; _XIX_).],
setting aside those authorities who themselves were the disciples of
nature.

661.

That the first drawing was a simple line drawn round the shadow of a
man cast by the sun on a wall.

The painter's scope.

662.

The painter strives and competes with nature.

_X.

Studies and Sketches for Pictures and Decorations.

An artist's manuscript notes can hardly be expected to contain any
thing more than incidental references to those masterpieces of his
work of which the fame, sounded in the writings of his
contemporaries, has left a glorious echo to posterity. We need not
therefore be surprised to find that the texts here reproduced do not
afford us such comprehensive information as we could wish. On the
other hand, the sketches and studies prepared by Leonardo for the
two grandest compositions he ever executed: The Fresco of the Last
Supper in the Refectory of Santa Maria delle Grazie at Milan, and
the Cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari, for the Palazzo della
Signoria at Florence--have been preserved; and, though far from
complete, are so much more numerous than the manuscript notes, that
we are justified in asserting that in value and interest they amply
compensate for the meagerness of the written suggestions.

The notes for the composition of the Last Supper, which are given
under nos._ 665 _and_ 666 _occur in a MS. at South Kensington, II2,
written in the years_ 1494-1495. _This MS. sketch was noted down not
more than three or four years before the painting was executed,
which justifies the inference that at the time when it was written
the painter had not made up his mind definitely even as to the
general scheme of the work; and from this we may also conclude that
the drawings of apostles' heads at Windsor, in red chalk, must be
ascribed to a later date. They are studies for the head of St.
Matthew, the fourth figure on Christ's left hand--see Pl. XL VII,
the sketch (in black chalk) for the head of St. Philip, the third
figure on the left hand--see Pl. XL VIII, for St. Peter's right
arm--see Pl. XLIX, and for the expressive head of Judas which has
unfortunately somewhat suffered by subsequent restoration of
outlines,--see Pl. L. According to a tradition, as unfounded as it
is improbable, Leonardo made use of the head of Padre Bandelli, the
prior of the convent, as the prototype of his Judas; this however
has already been contradicted by Amoretti "Memorie storiche" cap.
XIV. The study of the head of a criminal on Pl. LI has, it seems to
me, a better claim to be regarded as one of the preparatory sketches
for the head of Judas. The Windsor collection contains two old
copies of the head of St. Simon, the figure to the extreme left of
Christ, both of about equal merit (they are marked as Nos._ 21 _and_
36_)--the second was reproduced on Pl. VIII of the Grosvenor
Gallery Publication in_ 1878. _There is also at Windsor a drawing in
black chalk of folded hands (marked with the old No._ 212; _No. LXI
of the Grosvenor Gallery Publication) which I believe to be a copy
of the hands of St. John, by some unknown pupil. A reproduction of
the excellent drawings of heads of Apostles in the possession of H.
R. H. the Grand Duchess of Weimar would have been out of my province
in this work, and, with regard to them, I must confine myself to
pointing out that the difference in style does not allow of our
placing the Weimar drawings in the same category as those here
reproduced. The mode of grouping in the Weimar drawings is of itself
sufficient to indicate that they were not executed before the
picture was painted, but, on the contrary, afterwards, and it is, on
the face of it, incredible that so great a master should thus have
copied from his own work.

The drawing of Christ's head, in the Brera palace at Milan was
perhaps originally the work of Leonardo's hand; it has unfortunately
been entirely retouched and re-drawn, so that no decisive opinion
can be formed as to its genuineness.

The red chalk drawing reproduced on Pl. XLVI is in the Accademia at
Venice; it was probably made before the text, Nos._ 664 _and_ 665,
_was written.

The two pen and ink sketches on Pl. XLV seem to belong to an even
earlier date; the more finished drawing of the two, on the right
hand, represents Christ with only St. John and Judas and a third
disciple whose action is precisely that described in No._ 666,
_Pl._ 4. _It is hardly necessary to observe that the other sketches
on this page and the lines of text below the circle (containing the
solution of a geometrical problem) have no reference to the picture
of the Last Supper. With this figure of Christ may be compared a
similar pen and ink drawing reproduced on page_ 297 _below on the
left hand; the original is in the Louvre. On this page again the
rest of the sketches have no direct bearing on the composition of
the Last Supper, not even, as it seems to me, the group of four men
at the bottom to the right hand--who are listening to a fifth, in
their midst addressing them. Moreover the writing on this page (an
explanation of a disk shaped instrument) is certainly not in the
same style as we find constantly used by Leonardo after the year_
1489.

_It may be incidentally remarked that no sketches are known for the
portrait of "Mona Lisa", nor do the MS. notes ever allude to it,
though according to Vasari the master had it in hand for fully four
years.

Leonardo's cartoon for the picture of the battle of Anghiari has
shared the fate of the rival work, Michaelangelo's "Bathers summoned
to Battle". Both have been lost in some wholly inexplicable manner.
I cannot here enter into the remarkable history of this work; I can
only give an account of what has been preserved to us of Leonardo's
scheme and preparations for executing it. The extent of the material
in studies and drawings was till now quite unknown. Their
publication here may give some adequate idea of the grandeur of this
famous work. The text given as No._ 669 _contains a description of
the particulars of the battle, but for the reasons given in the note
to this text, I must abandon the idea of taking this passage as the
basis of my attempt to reconstruct the picture as the artist
conceived and executed it.

I may here remind the reader that Leonardo prepared the cartoon in
the Sala del Papa of Santa Maria Novella at Florence and worked
there from the end of October 1503 till February 1504, and then was
busied with the painting in the Sala del Consiglio in the Palazzo
della Signoria, till the work was interrupted at the end of May
1506. (See Milanesi's note to Vasari pp. 43--45 Vol. IV ed. 1880.)
Vasari, as is well known, describes only one scene or episode of the
cartoon--the Battle for the Standard in the foreground of the
composition, as it would seem; and this only was ever finished as a
mural decoration in the Sala del Consiglio. This portion of the
composition is familiar to all from the disfigured copy engraved by
Edelinck. Mariette had already very acutely observed that Edelinck
must surely have worked from a Flemish copy of the picture. There is
in the Louvre a drawing by Rubens (No. 565) which also represents
four horsemen fighting round a standard and which agrees with
Edelinck's engraving, but the engraving reverses the drawing. An
earlier Flemish drawing, such as may have served as the model for
both Rubens and Edelinck, is in the Uffizi collection (see
Philpots's Photograph, No. 732). It seems to be a work of the second
half of the XVIth century, a time when both the picture and the
cartoon had already been destroyed. It is apparently the production
of a not very skilled hand. Raphael Trichet du Fresne, 1651,
mentions that a small picture by Leonardo himself of the Battle of
the Standard was then extant in the Tuileries; by this he probably
means the painting on panel which is now in the possession of Madame
Timbal in Paris, and which has lately been engraved by Haussoullier
as a work by Leonardo. The picture, which is very carefully painted,
seems to me however to be the work of some unknown Florentine
painter, and probably executed within the first ten years of the
XVIth century. At the same time, it would seem to be a copy not from
Leonardo's cartoon, but from his picture in the Palazzo della
Signoria; at any rate this little picture, and the small Flemish
drawing in Florence are the oldest finished copies of this episode
in the great composition of the Battle of Anghiari.

In his Life of Raphael, Vasari tells us that Raphael copied certain
works of Leonardo's during his stay in Florence. Raphael's first
visit to Florence lasted from the middle of October 1504 till July
1505, and he revisited it in the summer of 1506. The hasty sketch,
now in the possession of the University of Oxford and reproduced on
page 337 also represents the Battle of the Standard and seems to
have been made during his first stay, and therefore not from the
fresco but from the cartoon; for, on the same sheet we also find,
besides an old man's head drawn in Leonardo's style, some studies
for the figure of St. John the Martyr which Raphael used in 1505 in
his great fresco in the Church of San Severo at Perugia.

Of Leonardo's studies for the Battle of Anghiari I must in the first
place point to five, on three of which--Pl. LII 2, Pl. LIII, Pl.
LVI--we find studies for the episode of the Standard. The standard
bearer, who, in the above named copies is seen stooping, holding on
to the staff across his shoulder, is immediately recognisable as the
left-hand figure in Raphael's sketch, and we find it in a similar
attitude in Leonardo's pen and ink drawing in the British
Museum--Pl. LII, 2--the lower figure to the right. It is not
difficult to identify the same figure in two more complicated groups
in the pen and ink drawings, now in the Accademia at Venice--Pl.
LIII, and Pl. LIV--where we also find some studies of foot soldiers
fighting. On the sheet in the British Museum--Pl. LII, 2--we find,
among others, one group of three horses galloping forwards: one
horseman is thrown and protects himself with his buckler against the
lance thrusts of two others on horseback, who try to pierce him as
they ride past. The same action is repeated, with some variation, in
two sketches in pen and ink on a third sheet, in the Accademia at
Venice, Pl. LV; a coincidence which suggests the probability of such
an incident having actually been represented on the cartoon. We are
not, it is true, in a position to declare with any certainty which
of these three dissimilar sketches may have been the nearest to the
group finally adopted in executing the cartoon.

With regard, however, to one of the groups of horsemen it is
possible to determine with perfect certainty not only which
arrangement was preferred, but the position it occupied in the
composition. The group of horsemen on Pl. LVII is a drawing in black
chalk at Windsor, which is there attributed to Leonardo, but which
appears to me to be the work of Cesare da Sesto, and the
Commendatore Giov. Morelli supports me in this view. It can hardly
be doubted that da Sesto, as a pupil of Leonardo's, made this
drawing from his master's cartoon, if we compare it with the copy
made by Raphael--here reproduced, for just above the fighting
horseman in Raphael's copy it is possible to detect a horse which is
seen from behind, going at a slower pace, with his tail flying out
to the right and the same horse may be seen in the very same
attitude carrying a dimly sketched rider, in the foreground of
Cesare da Sesto's drawing._

_If a very much rubbed drawing in black chalk at Windsor--Pl.
LVI--is, as it appears to be, the reversed impression of an original
drawing, it is not difficult to supplement from it the portions
drawn by Cesare da Sesto. Nay, it may prove possible to reconstruct
the whole of the lost cartoon from the mass of materials we now have
at hand which we may regard as the nucleus of the composition. A
large pen and ink drawing by Raphael in the Dresden collection,
representing three horsemen fighting, and another, by Cesare da
Sesto, in the Uffizi, of light horsemen fighting are a further
contribution which will help us to reconstruct it._

_The sketch reproduced on Pl. LV gives a suggestive example of the
way in which foot-soldiers may have been introduced into the cartoon
as fighting among the groups of horsemen; and I may here take the
opportunity of mentioning that, for reasons which it would be out of
place to enlarge upon here, I believe the two genuine drawings by
Raphael's hand in his "Venetian sketch-book" as it is called--one of
a standard bearer marching towards the left, and one of two
foot-soldiers armed with spears and fighting with a horseman--to be
undoubtedly copies from the cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari._

_Leonardo's two drawings, preserved in the museum at Buda-Pesth and
reproduced on pages 338 and 339 are preliminary studies for the
heads of fighting warriors. The two heads drawn in black chalk (pg.
338) and the one seen in profile, turned to the left, drawn in red
chalk (pg. 339), correspond exactly with those of two horsemen in
the scene of the fight round the standard as we see them in Madame
Timbal's picture and in the other finished copies. An old copy of
the last named drawing by a pupil of Leonardo is in MS. C. A. 187b;
561b (See Saggio, Tav. XXII). Leonardo used to make such finished
studies of heads as those, drawn on detached sheets, before
beginning his pictures from his drawings--compare the preparatory
studies for the fresco of the Last Supper, given on Pl. XLVII and
Pl. L. Other drawings of heads, all characterised by the expression
of vehement excitement that is appropriate to men fighting, are to
be seen at Windsor (No. 44) and at the Accademia at Venice (IV, 13);
at the back of one of the drawings at Buda-Pesth there is the bust
of a warrior carrying a spear on his left shoulder, holding up the
left arm (See Csatakepek a XVI--lk Szazadbol osszeallitotta Pvlszky
Karoly). These drawings may have been made for other portions of the
cartoon, of which no copies exist, and thus we are unable to
identify these preparatory drawings. Finally I may add that a sketch
of fighting horse and foot soldiers, formerly in the possession of
M. Thiers and published by Charles Blanc in his "Vies des Peintres"
can hardly be accepted as genuine. It is not to be found, as I am
informed, among the late President's property, and no one appears to
know where it now is._

_An attempted reconstruction of the Cartoon, which is not only
unsuccessful but perfectly unfounded, is to be seen in the
lithograph by Bergeret, published in Charles Blanc's "Vies des
peintres" and reprinted in "The great Artists. L. da Vinci", p. 80.
This misleading pasticcio may now be rejected without hesitation._

_There are yet a few original drawings by Leonardo which might be
mentioned here as possibly belonging to the cartoon of the Battle;
such as the pen and ink sketches on Pl. XXI and on Pl. XXXVIII, No.
3, but we should risk too wide a departure from the domain of
ascertained fact._

_With regard to the colours and other materials used by Leonardo the
reader may be referred to the quotations from the accounts for the
picture in question given by Milanesi in his edition of Vasari (Vol.
IV, p. 44, note) where we find entries of a similar character to
those in Leonardo's note books for the year 1505; S. K. M. 12 (see
No. 636)._

_That Leonardo was employed in designing decorations and other
preparations for high festivals, particularly for the court of
Milan, we learn not only from the writings of his contemporaries but
from his own incidental allusions; for instance in MS. C. l5b (1),
l. 9. In the arrangement of the texts referring to this I have
placed those first, in which historical personages are named--Nos.
670-674. Among the descriptions of Allegorical subjects two texts
lately found at Oxford have been included, Nos. 676 and 677. They
are particularly interesting because they are accompanied by large
sketches which render the meaning of the texts perfectly clear. It
is very intelligible that in other cases, where there are no
illustrative sketches, the notes must necessarily remain obscure or
admit of various interpretations. The literature of the time affords
ample evidence of the use of such allegorical representations,
particularly during the Carnival and in Leonardo's notes we find the
Carnival expressly mentioned--Nos. 685 and 704. Vasari in his Life
of Pontormo, particularly describes that artist's various
undertakings for Carnival festivities. These very graphic
descriptions appear to me to throw great light in more ways than one
on the meaning of Leonardo's various notes as to allegorical
representations and also on mottoes and emblems--Nos. 681-702. In
passing judgment on the allegorical sketches and emblems it must not
be overlooked that even as pictures they were always accompanied by
explanations in words. Several finished drawings of allegorical
compositions or figures have been preserved, but as they have no
corresponding explanation in the MSS. they had no claim to be
reproduced here. The female figure on Pl. XXVI may perhaps be
regarded as a study for such an allegorical painting, of which the
purport would have been explained by an inscription._

On Madonna pictures.

663.

[In the autumn of] 1478 I began the two Madonna [pictures].

[Footnote: Photographs of this page have been published by BRAUN,
No. 439, and PHILPOT, No. 718.

1. _Incominciai_. We have no other information as to the two
pictures of the Madonna here spoken of. As Leonardo here tells us
that he had begun two Madonnas at the same time, the word
'_incominciai_' may be understood to mean that he had begun at the
same time preparatory studies for two pictures to be painted later.
If this is so, the non-existence of the pictures may be explained by
supposing that they were only planned and never executed. I may here
mention a few studies for pictures of the Madonna which probably
belong to this early time; particularly a drawing in silver-point on
bluish tinted paper at Windsor--see Pl. XL, No. 3--, a drawing of
which the details have almost disappeared in the original but have
been rendered quite distinct in the reproduction; secondly a slight
pen and ink sketch in, the Codex VALLARDI, in the Louvre, fol. 64,
No. 2316; again a silver point drawing of a Virgin and child drawn
over again with the pen in the His de la Salle collection also in
the Louvre, No. 101. (See Vicomte BOTH DE TAUZIA, _Notice des
dessins de la collection His de la Salle, exposes au Louvre_. Paris
1881, pp. 80, 81.) This drawing is, it is true, traditionally
ascribed to Raphael, but the author of the catalogue very justly
points out its great resemblance with the sketches for Madonnas in
the British Museum which are indisputably Leonardo's. Some of these
have been published by Mr. HENRY WALLIS in the Art Journal, New Ser.
No. 14, Feb. 1882. If the non-existence of the two pictures here
alluded to justifies my hypothesis that only studies for such
pictures are meant by the text, it may also be supposed that the
drawings were made for some comrade in VERROCCHIO'S atelier. (See
VASARI, Sansoni's ed. Florence 1880. Vol. IV, p. 564): "_E perche a
Lerenzo piaceva fuor di modo la maniera di Lionardo, la seppe cosi
bene imitare, che niuno fu che nella pulitezza e nel finir l'opere
con diligenza l'imitasse piu di lui_." Leonardo's notes give me no
opportunity of discussing the pictures executed by him in Florence,
before he moved to Milan. So the studies for the unfinished picture
of the Adoration of the Magi--in the Uffizi, Florence--cannot be
described here, nor would any discussion about the picture in the
Louvre "_La Vierge aux Rochers_" be appropriate in the absence of
all allusion to it in the MSS. Therefore, when I presently add a few
remarks on this painting in explanation of the Master's drawings for
it, it will be not merely with a view to facilitate critical
researches about the picture now in the National Gallery, London,
which by some critics has been pronounced to be a replica of the
Louvre picture, but also because I take this opportunity of
publishing several finished studies of the Master's which, even if
they were not made in Florence but later in Milan, must have been
prior to the painting of the Last Supper. The original picture in
Paris is at present so disfigured by dust and varnish that the
current reproductions in photography actually give evidence more of
the injuries to which the picture has been exposed than of the
original work itself. The wood-cut given on p. 344, is only intended
to give a general notion of the composition. It must be understood
that the outline and expression of the heads, which in the picture
is obscured but not destroyed, is here altogether missed. The
facsimiles which follow are from drawings which appear to me to be
studies for "_La Vierge aux Rochers_."

1. A drawing in silver point on brown toned paper of a woman's head
looking to the left. In the Royal Library at Turin, apparently a
study from nature for the Angel's head (Pl. XLII).

2. A study of drapery for the left leg of the same figure, done with
the brush, Indian ink on greenish paper, the lights heightened with
white.

The original is at Windsor, No. 223. The reproduction Pl. XLIII is
defective in the shadow on the upper part of the thigh, which is not
so deep as in the original; it should also be observed that the
folds of the drapery near the hips are somewhat altered in the
finished work in the Louvre, while the London copy shows a greater
resemblance to this study in that particular.

3. A study in red chalk for the bust of the Infant Christ--No. 3 in
the Windsor collection (Pl. XLIV). The well-known silver-point
drawing on pale green paper, in the Louvre, of a boy's head (No. 363
in REISET, _Notice des dessins, Ecoles d'Italie_) seems to me to be
a slightly altered copy, either from the original picture or from
this red chalk study.

4. A silver-point study on greenish paper, for the head of John the
Baptist, reproduced on p. 342. This was formerly in the Codex
Vallardi and is now exhibited among the drawings in the Louvre. The
lights are, in the original, heightened with white; the outlines,
particularly round the head and ear, are visibly restored.

There is a study of an outstretched hand--No. 288 in the Windsor
collection--which was published in the Grosvenor Gallery
Publication, 1878, simply under the title of: "No. 72 Study of a
hand, pointing" which, on the other hand, I regard as a copy by a
pupil. The action occurs in the kneeling angel of the Paris picture
and not in the London copy.

These four genuine studies form, I believe, a valuable substitute in
the absence of any MS. notes referring to the celebrated Paris
picture.]

Bernardo di Bandino's Portrait.

664.

A tan-coloured small cap, A doublet of black serge, A black jerkin
lined A blue coat lined, with fur of foxes' breasts, and the collar
of the jerkin covered with black and white stippled velvet Bernardo
di Bandino Baroncelli; black hose.

[Footnote: These eleven lines of text are by the side of the pen and
ink drawing of a man hanged--Pl. LXII, No. 1. This drawing was
exhibited in 1879 at the _Ecole des Beaux-Arts_ in Paris and the
compilers of the catalogue amused themselves by giving the victim's
name as follows: "_Un pendu, vetu d'une longue robe, les mains liees
sur le dos ... Bernardo di Bendino Barontigni, marchand de
pantalons_" (see _Catalogue descriptif des Dessins de Mailres
anciens exposes a l'Ecole des Beaux Arts_, Paris 1879; No. 83, pp.
9-10). Now, the criminal represented here, is none other than
Bernardino di Bandino Baroncelli the murderer of Giuliano de'Medici,
whose name as a coadjutor in the conspiracy of the Pazzi has gained
a melancholy notoriety by the tragedy of the 26th April 1478.
Bernardo was descended from an ancient family and the son of the man
who, under King Ferrante, was President of the High Court of Justice
in Naples. His ruined fortunes, it would seem, induced him to join
the Pazzi; he and Francesco Pazzi were entrusted with the task of
murdering Giuliano de'Medici on the fixed day. Their victim not
appearing in the cathedral at the hour when they expected him, the
two conspirators ran to the palace of the Medici and induced him to
accompany them. Giuliano then took his place in the chancel of the
Cathedral, and as the officiating priest raised the Host--the sign
agreed upon--Bernardo stabbed the unsuspecting Giuliano in the
breast with a short sword; Giuliano stepped backwards and fell dead.
The attempt on Lorenzo's life however, by the other conspirators at
the same moment, failed of success. Bernardo no sooner saw that
Lorenzo tried to make his escape towards the sacristy, than he
rushed upon him, and struck down Francesco Nori who endeavoured to
protect Lorenzo. How Lorenzo then took refuge behind the brazen
doors of the sacristy, and how, as soon as Giuliano's death was made
known, the further plans of the conspirators were defeated, while a
terrible vengeance overtook all the perpetrators and accomplices,
this is no place to tell. Bernardo Bandini alone seemed to be
favoured by fortune; he hid first in the tower of the Cathedral, and
then escaped undiscovered from Florence. Poliziano, who was with
Lorenzo in the Cathedral, says in his 'Conjurationis Pactianae
Commentarium': "_Bandinus fugitans in Tiphernatem incidit, a quo in
aciem receptus Senas pervenit_." And Gino Capponi in summing up the
reports of the numerous contemporary narrators of the event, says:
"_Bernardo Bandini ricoverato in Costantinopoli, fu per ordine del
Sultano preso e consegnato a un Antonio di Bernardino dei Medici,
che Lorenzo aveva mandato apposta in Turchia: cosi era grande la
potenza di quest' uomo e grande la voglia di farne mostra e che non
restasse in vita chi aveagli ucciso il fratello, fu egli applicato
appena giunto_" (_Storia della Republica di Firenze II_, 377, 378).
Details about the dates may be found in the _Chronichetta di
Belfredello Strinati Alfieri_: "_Bernardo di Bandino Bandini
sopradetto ne venne preso da Gostantinopoti a di 14. Dicembre 1479 e
disaminato, che fu al Bargello, fu impiccato alle finestre di detto
Bargello allato alla Doana a di 29. Dicembre MCCCCLXXIX che pochi di
stette_." It may however be mentioned with reference to the mode of
writing the name of the assassin that, though most of his
contemporaries wrote Bernardo Bandini, in the _Breve Chronicon
Caroli Petri de Joanninis_ he is called Bernardo di Bandini
Baroncelli; and, in the _Sententiae Domini Matthaei de Toscana_,
Bernardus Joannis Bandini de Baroncellis, as is written on
Leonardo's drawing of him when hanged. Now VASARI, in the life of
_Andrea del Castagno_ (Vol. II, 680; ed. Milanesi 1878), tells us
that in 1478 this painter was commissioned by order of the Signoria
to represent the members of the Pazzi conspiracy as traitors, on the
facade of the Palazzo del Podesta--the Bargello. This statement is
obviously founded on a mistake, for Andrea del Castagno was already
dead in 1457. He had however been commissioned to paint Rinaldo
degli Albizzi, when declared a rebel and exiled in 1434, and his
adherents, as hanging head downwards; and in consequence he had
acquired the nickname of Andrea degl' Impiccati. On the 21st July
1478 the Council of Eight came to the following resolution: "_item
servatis etc. deliberaverunt et santiaverunt Sandro Botticelli pro
ejus labore in pingendo proditores flor. quadraginta largos_" (see
G. MILANESI, _Arch. star. VI_ (1862) p. 5 note.)

As has been told, Giuliano de' Medici was murdered on the 26th April
1478, and we see by this that only three months later Botticelli was
paid for his painting of the "_proditores_". We can however hardly
suppose that all the members of the conspiracy were depicted by him
in fresco on the facade of the palace, since no fewer than eighty
had been condemned to death. We have no means of knowing whether,
besides Botticelli, any other painters, perhaps Leonardo, was
commissioned, when the criminals had been hanged in person out of
the windows of the Palazzo del Podesta to represent them there
afterwards in effigy in memory of their disgrace. Nor do we know
whether the assassin who had escaped may at first not have been
provisionally represented as hanged in effigy. Now, when we try to
connect the historical facts with this drawing by Leonardo
reproduced on Pl. LXII, No. I, and the full description of the
conspirator's dress and its colour on the same sheet, there seems to
be no reasonable doubt that Bernardo Bandini is here represented as
he was actually hanged on December 29th, 1479, after his capture at
Constantinople. The dress is certainly not that in which he
committed the murder. A long furred coat might very well be worn at
Constantinople or at Florence in December, but hardly in April. The
doubt remains whether Leonardo described Bernardo's dress so fully
because it struck him as remarkable, or whether we may not rather
suppose that this sketch was actually made from nature with the
intention of using it as a study for a wall painting to be executed.
It cannot be denied that the drawing has all the appearance of
having been made for this purpose. Be this as it may, the sketch
under discussion proves, at any rate, that Leonardo was in Florence
in December 1479, and the note that accompanies it is valuable as
adding one more characteristic specimen to the very small number of
his MSS. that can be proved to have been written between 1470 and
1480.]

Notes on the Last Supper (665-668).

665.

One who was drinking and has left the glass in its position and
turned his head towards the speaker.

Another, twisting the fingers of his hands together turns with stern
brows to his companion [6]. Another with his hands spread open shows
the palms, and shrugs his shoulders up his ears making a mouth of
astonishment [8].

[9] Another speaks into his neighbour's ear and he, as he listens to
him, turns towards him to lend an ear [10], while he holds a knife
in one hand, and in the other the loaf half cut through by the
knife. [13] Another who has turned, holding a knife in his hand,
upsets with his hand a glass on the table [14].

[Footnote 665, 666: In the original MS. there is no sketch to
accompany these passages, and if we compare them with those drawings
made by Leonardo in preparation for the composition of the
picture--Pl. XLV, XLVI--, (compare also Pl. LII, 1 and the drawings
on p. 297) it is impossible to recognise in them a faithful
interpretation of the whole of this text; but, if we compare these
passages with the finished picture (see p. 334) we shall see that in
many places they coincide. For instance, compare No. 665, 1. 6--8,
with the fourth figure on the right hand of Christ. The various
actions described in lines 9--10, 13--14 are to be seen in the group
of Peter, John and Judas; in the finished picture however it is not
a glass but a salt cellar that Judas is upsetting.]

666.

Another lays his hand on the table and is looking. Another blows his
mouthful. [3] Another leans forward to see the speaker shading his
eyes with his hand. [5] Another draws back behind the one who leans
forward, and sees the speaker between the wall and the man who is
leaning [Footnote: 6. _chinato_. I have to express my regret for
having misread this word, written _cinato_ in the original, and
having altered it to _"ciclo"_ when I first published this text, in
'The Academy' for Nov. 8, 1879 immediately after I had discovered
it, and subsequently in the small biography of Leonardo da Vinci
(Great Artists) p. 29.].

[Footnote: In No. 666. Line I must refer to the furthest figure on
the left; 3, 5 and 6 describe actions which are given to the group
of disciples on the left hand of Christ.]

667.

CHRIST.

Count Giovanni, the one with the Cardinal of Mortaro.

[Footnote: As this note is in the same small Manuscript as the
passage here immediately preceding it, I may be justified in
assuming that Leonardo meant to use the features of the person here
named as a suitable model for the figure of Christ. The celebrated
drawing of the head of Christ, now hanging in the Brera Gallery at
Milan, has obviously been so much restored that it is now impossible
to say, whether it was ever genuine. We have only to compare it with
the undoubtedly genuine drawings of heads of the disciples in PI.
XLVII, XLVIII and L, to admit that not a single line of the Milan
drawing in its present state can be by the same hand.]

668.

Philip, Simon, Matthew, Thomas, James the Greater, Peter, Philip,
Andrew, Bartholomew.

[Footnote: See PI. XLVI. The names of the disciples are given in the
order in which they are written in the original, from right to left,
above each head. The original drawing is here slightly reduced in
scale; it measures 39 centimetres in length by 26 in breadth.]

669.

  On the battle of Anghiari.
  Florentine
  Neri di Gino Capponi
  Bernardetto de' Medici
  Micheletto,
  Niccolo da Pisa
  Conte Francesco
                         Pietro Gian Paolo
                         Guelfo Orsino,
                         Messer  Rinaldo   degli
                                      Albizzi

Begin with the address of Niccolo Piccinino to the soldiers and the
banished Florentines among whom are Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi and
other Florentines. Then let it be shown how he first mounted on
horseback in armour; and the whole army came after him--40 squadrons
of cavalry, and 2000 foot soldiers went with him. Very early in the
morning the Patriarch went up a hill to reconnoitre the country,
that is the hills, fields and the valley watered by a river; and
from thence he beheld Niccolo Picinino coming from Borgo San
Sepolcro with his people, and with a great dust; and perceiving them
he returned to the camp of his own people and addressed them. Having
spoken he prayed to God with clasped hands, when there appeared a
cloud in which Saint Peter appeared and spoke to the Patriarch.--500
cavalry were sent forward by the Patriarch to hinder or check the
rush of the enemy. In the foremost troop Francesco the son of
Niccolo Piccinino [24] was the first to attack the bridge which was
held by the Patriarch and the Florentines. Beyond the bridge to his
left he sent forward some infantry to engage ours, who drove them
back, among whom was their captain Micheletto [29] whose lot it was
to be that day at the head of the army. Here, at this bridge there
is a severe struggle; our men conquer and the enemy is repulsed.
Here Guido and Astorre, his brother, the Lord of Faenza with a great
number of men, re-formed and renewed the fight, and rushed upon the
Florentines with such force that they recovered the bridge and
pushed forward as far as the tents. But Simonetto advanced with 600
horse, and fell upon the enemy and drove them back once more from
the place, and recaptured the bridge; and behind him came more men
with 2000 horse soldiers. And thus for a long time they fought with
varying fortune. But then the Patriarch, in order to divert the
enemy, sent forward Niccolo da Pisa [44] and Napoleone Orsino, a
beardless lad, followed by a great multitude of men, and then was
done another great feat of arms. At the same time Niccolo Piccinino
urged forward the remnant of his men, who once more made ours give
way; and if it had not been that the Patriarch set himself at their
head and, by his words and deeds controlled the captains, our
soldiers would have taken to flight. The Patriarch had some
artillery placed on the hill and with these he dispersed the enemy's
infantry; and the disorder was so complete that Niccolo began to
call back his son and all his men, and they took to flight towards
Borgo. And then began a great slaughter of men; none escaped but the
foremost of those who had fled or who hid themselves. The battle
continued until sunset, when the Patriarch gave his mind to
recalling his men and burying the dead, and afterwards a trophy was
erected.

[Footnote: 669. This passage does not seem to me to be in Leonardo's
hand, though it has hitherto been generally accepted as genuine. Not
only is the writing unlike his, but the spelling also is quite
different. I would suggest that this passage is a description of the
events of the battle drawn up for the Painter by order of the
Signoria, perhaps by some historian commissioned by them, to serve
as a scheme or programme of the work. The whole tenor of the style
seems to me to argue in favour of this theory; and besides, it would
be in no way surprising that such a document should have been
preserved among Leonardo's autographs.]

Allegorical representations referring to the duke of Milan
(670-673).

670.

Ermine with blood Galeazzo, between calm weather and a
representation of a tempest.

[Footnote: 670. Only the beginning of this text is legible; the
writing is much effaced and the sense is consequently obscure. It
seems to refer like the following passage to an allegorical
picture.]

671.

Il Moro with spectacles, and Envy depicted with False Report and
Justice black for il Moro.

Labour as having a branch of vine [_or_ a screw] in her hand.

672.

Il Moro as representing Good Fortune, with hair, and robes, and his
hands in front, and Messer Gualtieri taking him by the robes with a
respectful air from below, having come in from the front [5].

Again, Poverty in a hideous form running behind a youth. Il Moro
covers him with the skirt of his robe, and with his gilt sceptre he
threatens the monster.

A plant with its roots in the air to represent one who is at his
last;--a robe and Favour.

Of tricks [_or_ of magpies] and of burlesque poems [_or_ of
starlings].

Those who trust themselves to live near him, and who will be a large
crowd, these shall all die cruel deaths; and fathers and mothers
together with their families will be devoured and killed by cruel
creatures.

[Footnote: 1--10 have already been published by _Amoretti_ in
_Memorie Storiche_ cap. XII. He adds this note with regard to
Gualtieri: "_A questo M. Gualtieri come ad uomo generoso e benefico
scrive il Bellincioni un Sonetto (pag, 174) per chiedergli un
piacere; e 'l Tantio rendendo ragione a Lodovico il Moro, perche
pubblicasse le Rime del Bellincioni; cio hammi imposto, gli dice:
l'humano fidele, prudente e sollicito executore delli tuoi
comandamenti Gualtero, che fa in tutte le cose ove tu possi far
utile, ogni studio vi metti._" A somewhat mysterious and evidently
allegorical composition--a pen and ink drawing--at Windsor, see PL
LVIII, contains a group of figures in which perhaps the idea is
worked out which is spoken of in the text, lines 1-5.]

673.

He was blacker than a hornet, his eyes were as red as a burning fire
and he rode on a tall horse six spans across and more than 20 long
with six giants tied up to his saddle-bow and one in his hand which
he gnawed with his teeth. And behind him came boars with tusks
sticking out of their mouths, perhaps ten spans.

Allegorical representations (674--678).

674.

Above the helmet place a half globe, which is to signify our
hemisphere, in the form of a world; on which let there be a peacock,
richly decorated, and with his tail spread over the group; and every
ornament belonging to the horse should be of peacock's feathers on a
gold ground, to signify the beauty which comes of the grace bestowed
on him who is a good servant.

On the shield a large mirror to signify that he who truly desires
favour must be mirrored in his virtues.

On the opposite side will be represented Fortitude, in like manner
in her place with her pillar in her hand, robed in white, to signify
... And all crowned; and Prudence with 3 eyes. The housing of the
horse should be of plain cloth of gold closely sprinkled with
peacock's eyes, and this holds good for all the housings of the
horse, and the man's dress. And the man's crest and his neck-chain
are of peacock's feathers on golden ground.

On the left side will be a wheel, the centre of which should be
attached to the centre of the horse's hinder thigh piece, and in the
centre Prudence is seen robed in red, Charity sitting in a fiery
chariot and with a branch of laurel in her hand, to signify the hope
which comes of good service.

[21] Messer Antonio Grimani of Venice companion of Antonio Maria
[23].

[Footnote: _Messer Antonio Gri_. His name thus abbreviated is, there
can be no doubt, Grimani. Antonio Grimani was the famous Doge who in
1499 commanded the Venetian fleet in battle against the Turks. But
after the abortive conclusion of the expedition--Ludovico being the
ally of the Turks who took possession of Friuli--, Grimani was driven
into exile; he went to live at Rome with his son Cardinal Domenico
Grimani. On being recalled to Venice he filled the office of Doge
from 1521 to 1523. _Antonio Maria_ probably means Antonio Maria
Grimani, the Patriarch of Aquileia.]

675.

Fame should be depicted as covered all over with tongues instead of
feathers, and in the figure of a bird.

676.

Pleasure and Pain represent as twins, since there never is one
without the other; and as if they were united back to back, since
they are contrary to each other.

[6] Clay, gold.

[Footnote: 7. _oro. fango_: gold, clay. These words stand below the
allegorical figure.]

If you take Pleasure know that he has behind him one who will deal
you Tribulation and Repentance.

[9] This represents Pleasure together with Pain, and show them as
twins because one is never apart from the other. They are back to
back because they are opposed to each other; and they exist as
contraries in the same body, because they have the same basis,
inasmuch as the origin of pleasure is labour and pain, and the
various forms of evil pleasure are the origin of pain. Therefore it
is here represented with a reed in his right hand which is useless
and without strength, and the wounds it inflicts are poisoned. In
Tuscany they are put to support beds, to signify that it is here
that vain dreams come, and here a great part of life is consumed. It
is here that much precious time is wasted, that is, in the morning,
when the mind is composed and rested, and the body is made fit to
begin new labours; there again many vain pleasures are enjoyed; both
by the mind in imagining impossible things, and by the body in
taking those pleasures that are often the cause of the failing of
life. And for these reasons the reed is held as their support.

[Footnote: 676. The pen and ink drawing on PI. LIX belongs to this
passage.]

[Footnote: 8. _tribolatione_. In the drawing caltrops may be seen
lying in the old man's right hand, others are falling and others
again are shewn on the ground. Similar caltrops are drawn in MS.
Tri. p. 98 and underneath them, as well as on page 96 the words
_triboli di ferro_ are written. From the accompanying text it
appears that they were intended to be scattered on the ground at the
bottom of ditches to hinder the advance of the enemy. Count Giulio
Porro who published a short account of the Trivulzio MS. in the
"_Archivio Storico Lombardo_", Anno VIII part IV (Dec. 31, 1881) has
this note on the passages treating of "_triboli_": "_E qui
aggiungero che anni sono quando venne fabbricata la nuova
cavallerizza presso il castello di Milano, ne furono trovati due che
io ho veduto ed erano precisamente quali si trovano descritti e
disegnati da Leonardo in questo codice_".

There can therefore be no doubt that this means of defence was in
general use, whether it were originally Leonardo's invention or not.
The play on the word "_tribolatione_", as it occurs in the drawing
at Oxford, must then have been quite intelligible.]

[Footnote: 9--22. These lines, in the original, are written on the
left side of the page and refer to the figure shown on PI. LXI. Next
to it is placed the group of three figures given in PI. LX No. I.
Lines 21 and 22, which are written under it, are the only
explanation given.]

Evil-thinking is either Envy or Ingratitude.

677.

Envy must be represented with a contemptuous motion of the hand
towards heaven, because if she could she would use her strength
against God; make her with her face covered by a mask of fair
seeming; show her as wounded in the eye by a palm branch and by an
olive-branch, and wounded in the ear by laurel and myrtle, to
signify that victory and truth are odious to her. Many thunderbolts
should proceed from her to signify her evil speaking. Let her be
lean and haggard because she is in perpetual torment. Make her heart
gnawed by a swelling serpent, and make her with a quiver with
tongues serving as arrows, because she often offends with it. Give
her a leopard's skin, because this creature kills the lion out of
envy and by deceit. Give her too a vase in her hand full of flowers
and scorpions and toads and other venomous creatures; make her ride
upon death, because Envy, never dying, never tires of ruling. Make
her bridle, and load her with divers kinds of arms because all her
weapons are deadly.

Toleration.

Intolerable.

No sooner is Virtue born than Envy comes into the world to attack
it; and sooner will there be a body without a shadow than Virtue
without Envy.

[Footnote: The larger of the two drawings on PI. LXI is explained by
the first 21 lines of this passage. L. 22 and 23, which are written
above the space between the two drawings, do not seem to have any
reference to either. L. 24-27 are below the allegorical twin figure
which they serve to explain.]

678.

When Pluto's Paradise is opened, then there may be devils placed in
twelve pots like openings into hell. Here will be Death, the Furies,
ashes, many naked children weeping; living fires made of various
colours....

679.

  John the Baptist
  Saint Augustin
  Saint Peter
  Paul
  Elisabeth
  Saint Clara.
  Bernardino
  Our Lady  Louis
  Bonaventura
  Anthony of Padua.
  Saint Francis.
  Francis,
  Anthony, a lily and book;
  Bernardino with the [monogram of] Jesus,
  Louis with 3 fleur de lys on his breast and
              the crown at his feet,
  Bonaventura with Seraphim,
  Saint Clara with the tabernacle,
  Elisabeth with a Queen's crown.

[Footnote: 679. The text of the first six lines is written within a
square space of the same size as the copy here given. The names are
written in the margin following the order in which they are here
printed. In lines 7--12 the names of those saints are repeated of
whom it seemed necessary to point out the emblems.]

List of drawings.

680.

  A head, full face, of a young man
  with fine flowing hair,
  Many flowers drawn from nature,
  A head, full face, with curly hair,
  Certain figures of Saint Jerome,
  [6] The measurements of a figure,
  Drawings of furnaces.
  A head of the Duke,
  [9] many designs for knots,
  4 studies for the panel of Saint Angelo
  A small composition of Girolamo da Fegline,
  A head of Christ done with the pen,
  [13] 8 Saint Sebastians,
  Several compositions of Angels,
  A chalcedony,
  A head in profile with fine hair,
  Some pitchers seen in(?) perspective,
  Some machines for ships,
  Some machines for waterworks,
  A head, a portrait of Atalanta raising her
  face;
  The head of Geronimo da Fegline,
  The head of Gian Francisco Borso,
  Several throats of old women,
  Several heads of old men,
  Several nude figures, complete,
  Several arms, eyes, feet, and positions,
  A Madonna, finished,
  Another, nearly in profile,
  Head of Our Lady ascending into Heaven,
  A head of an old man with long chin,
  A head of a gypsy girl,
  A head with a hat on,
  A representation of the Passion, a cast,
  A head of a girl with her hair gathered in a knot,
  A head, with the brown hair dressed.

[Footnote: 680. This has already been published by AMORETTI _Memorie
storiche_ cap. XVI. His reading varies somewhat from that here
given, _e. g._ l. 5 and 6. _Certi Sangirolami in su d'una figura_;
and instead of I. 13. _Un San Bastiano_.]

[Footnote: 680. 9. _Molti disegni di gruppi_. VASARI in his life of
Leonardo (IV, 21, ed. MILANESI 1880) says: "_Oltreche perse tempo
fino a disegnare_ gruppi _di corde fatti con ordine, e che da un
capo seguissi tutto il resto fino all' altro, tanto che s'empiessi
un tondo; che se ne vede in istampa uno difficilissimo e molto
bello, e nel mezzo vi sono queste parole: Leonardus Vinci
Accademia_". _Gruppi_ must here be understood as a technical
expression for those twisted ornaments which are well known through
wood cuts. AMORETTI mentions six different ones in the Ambrosian
Library. I am indebted to M. DELABORDE for kindly informing me that
the original blocks of these are preserved in his department in the
Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. On the cover of these volumes is a
copy from one of them. The size of the original is 23 1/2
centimetres by 26 1/4. The centre portion of another is given on p.
361. G. Govi remarks on these ornaments (_Saggio_ p. 22): "_Codesti
gruppi eran probabilmente destinati a servir di modello a ferri da
rilegatori per adornar le cartelle degli scolari (?). Fregi
somigliantissimi a questi troviamo infatti impressi in oro sui
cartoni di vari volumi contemporanei, e li vediam pur figurare nelle
lettere iniziali di alcune edizioni del tempo._"

Durer who copied them, omitting the inscription, added to the second
impressions his own monogram. In his diary he designates them simply
as "_Die sechs Knoten_" (see THAUSING, Life of A. Durer I, 362,
363). In Leonardo's MSS. we find here and there little sketches or
suggestions for similar ornaments. Compare too G. MONGERI, _L'Arte
in Milano_, p. 315 where an ornament of the same character is given
from the old decorations of the vaulted ceiling of the Sacristy of
S. Maria delle Grazie.]

[Footnote: 680, 17. The meaning in which the word _coppi_, literally
pitchers, is here used I am unable to determine; but a change to
_copie_ seems to me too doubtful to be risked.]

681.

  Stubborn rigour.
  Doomed rigour.

[Footnote: See PI. LXII, No. 2, the two upper pen and ink drawings.
The originals, in the Windsor collection are slightly washed with
colour. The background is blue sky; the plough and the instrument
with the compass are reddish brown, the sun is tinted yellow].

682.

  Obstacles cannot crush me
  Every obstacle yields to stern resolve
  He who is fixed to a star does not change
  his mind.

[Footnote: This text is written to elucidate two sketches which were
obviously the first sketches for the drawings reproduced on PL LXII,
No. 2.]

683.

Ivy is [a type] of longevity.

[Footnote: In the original there is, near this text, a sketch of a
coat wreathed above the waist with ivy.]

684.

  Truth      the sun.
  falsehood   a mask.
  innocence,
  malignity.

  Fire destroys falsehood,
  that is sophistry, and
  restores truth, driving out
  darkness.

  Fire may be represented as the destroy of
  all sophistry, and as the
  image and demonstration of truth;
  because it is light and drives
  out darkness which conceals
  all essences [or subtle things].

[Footnote: See PI. LXIII. L. 1-8 are in the middle of the page; 1.
9-14 to the right below; 1. 15-22 below in the middle column. The
rest of the text is below the sketches on the left. There are some
other passages on this page relating to geometry.]

TRUTH.

  Fire destroys all sophistry, that is deceit;
  and maintains truth alone, that is gold.

  Truth at last cannot be hidden.
  Dissimulation  is of no avail. Dissimulation is
  to no purpose before
  so great a judge.
  Falsehood puts on a mask.
  Nothing is hidden under the sun.

  Fire is to represent truth because it
  destroys all sophistry and lies; and the
  mask is for lying and falsehood
  which conceal truth.

685.

  Movement will cease before we are
  weary
  of being useful.

  Movement will fail sooner than usefulness.
  Death sooner than        I am never weary   of
  weariness.               being useful,
  In serving others I      is a motto for carnval.
  cannot do enough.        Without fatigue.

  No labour is
  sufficient to tire me.

  Hands into which
  ducats and precious
  stones fall like snow; they
  never become tired by serving,
  but this  service is only for its
  utility and not for our      I am never weary
  own benefit.                 of being useful.

  Naturally
  nature has so disposed me.

686.

  This shall be placed in the
  hand of Ingratitude.
  Wood nourishes the fire that
  consumes it.

687.

TO REPRESENT INGRATITUDE.

  When the sun appears
  which dispels darkness in
  general, you put out the
  light which dispelled it
  for you in particular
  for your need and convenience.

688.

  On this side Adam and Eve on the other;
  O misery of mankind, of how many things do
  you make yourself the slave for money!

[Footnote: See PI. LXIV. The figures of Adam and Eve in the clouds
here alluded to would seem to symbolise their superiority to all
earthly needs.]

689.

Thus are base unions sundered.

[Footnote: A much blurred sketch is on the page by this text. It
seems to represent an unravelled plait or tissue.]

690.

  Constancy does not begin, but is that
  which perseveres.

[Footnote: A drawing in red chalk, also rubbed, which stands in the
original in the middle of this text, seems to me to be intended for
a sword hilt, held in a fist.]

691.

  Love, Fear, and Esteem,--
  Write these on three stones. Of servants.

692.

Prudence Strength.

693.

  Fame alone raises herself to Heaven,
  because virtuous things are in favour with God.

  Disgrace should be represented upside
  down, because all her deeds are contrary to
  God and tend to hell.

694.

Short liberty.

695.

  Nothing is so much to be feared as Evil
  Report.
  This Evil Report is born of life.

696.

Not to disobey.

697.

  A felled tree which is shooting
  again.

  I am still hopeful.
  A falcon,
  Time.

[Footnote: I. _Albero tagliato_. This emblem was displayed during
the Carnival at Florence in 1513. See VASARI VI, 251, ed. MILANESI
1881. But the coincidence is probably accidental.]

698.

  Truth here makes Falsehood torment
  lying tongues.

699.

  Such as harm is when it hurts me not,
  is good which avails me not.

[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 2. Compare this sketch with that on PI.
LXII, No. 2. Below the two lines of the text there are two more
lines: _li guchi (giunchi) che ritego le paglucole (pagliucole)
chelli (che li) anniegano_.]

700.

He who offends others, does not secure himself.

[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 3.]

701.

Ingratitude.

[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 4. Below the bottom sketches are the
unintelligible words "_sta stilli_." For "_Ingratitudo_" compare
also Nos. 686 and 687.]

702.

One's thoughts turn towards Hope.

[Footnote: 702. By the side of this passage is a sketch of
a cage with a bird sitting in it.]

Ornaments and Decorations for feasts (703-705).

703.

A bird, for a comedy.

[Footnote: The biographies say so much, and the author's notes say
so little of the invention attributed to Leonardo of making
artificial birds fly through the air, that the text here given is of
exceptional interest from being accompanied by a sketch. It is a
very slight drawing of a bird with outspread wings, which appears to
be sliding down a stretched string. Leonardo's flying machines and
his studies of the flight of birds will be referred to later.]

704.

A DRESS FOR THE CARNIVAL.

To make a beautiful dress cut it in thin cloth and give it an
odoriferous varnish, made of oil of turpentine and of varnish in
grain, with a pierced stencil, which must be wetted, that it may not
stick to the cloth; and this stencil may be made in a pattern of
knots which afterwards may be filled up with black and the ground
with white millet.[Footnote 7: The grains of black and white millet
would stick to the varnish and look like embroidery.]

[Footnote: Ser Giuliano, da Vinci the painter's brother, had been
commissioned, with some others, to order and to execute the garments
of the Allegorical figures for the Carnival at Florence in 1515--16;
VASARI however is incorrect in saying of the Florentine Carnival of
1513: "_equelli che feciono ed ordinarono gli abiti delle figure
furono Ser Piero da Vinci, padre di Lonardo, e Bernardino di
Giordano, bellissimi ingegni_" (See MILANESI'S ed. Voi. VI, pg.
251.)]

705.

Snow taken from the high peaks of mountains might be carried to hot
places and let to fall at festivals in open places at summer time.



*** End of Volume 1


The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci

Volume 2

Translated by Jean Paul Richter

1888







XI.

The notes on Sculpture.

Compared with the mass of manuscript treating of Painting, a very
small number of passages bearing on the practice and methods of
Sculpture are to be found scattered through the note books; these
are here given at the beginning of this section (Nos. 706-709).
There is less cause for surprise at finding that the equestrian
statue of Francesco Sforza is only incidentally spoken of; for,
although Leonardo must have worked at it for a long succession of
years, it is not in the nature of the case that it could have given
rise to much writing. We may therefore regard it as particularly
fortunate that no fewer than thirteen notes in the master's
handwriting can be brought together, which seem to throw light on
the mysterious history of this famous work. Until now writers on
Leonardo were acquainted only with the passages numbered 712, 719,
720, 722 and 723.

In arranging these notes on sculpture I have given the precedence to
those which treat of the casting of the monument, not merely because
they are the fullest, but more especially with a view to
reconstructing the monument, an achievement which really almost lies
within our reach by combining and comparing the whole of the
materials now brought to light, alike in notes and in sketches.

A good deal of the first two passages, Nos. 710 and 711, which refer
to this subject seems obscure and incomprehensible; still, they
supplement each other and one contributes in no small degree to the
comprehension of the other. A very interesting and instructive
commentary on these passages may be found in the fourth chapter of
Vasari's Introduzione della Scultura under the title "Come si fanno
i modelli per fare di bronzo le figure grandi e picciole, e come le
forme per buttarle; come si armino di ferri, e come si gettino di
metallo," &c. Among the drawings of models of the moulds for casting
we find only one which seems to represent the horse in the act of
galloping--No. 713. All the other designs show the horse as pacing
quietly and as these studies of the horse are accompanied by copious
notes as to the method of casting, the question as to the position
of the horse in the model finally selected, seems to be decided by
preponderating evidence. "Il cavallo dello Sforza"--C. Boito remarks
very appositely in the Saggio on page 26, "doveva sembrare fratello
al cavallo del Colleoni. E si direbbe che questo fosse figlio del
cavallo del Gattamelata, il quale pare figlio di uno dei quattro
cavalli che stavano forse sull' Arco di Nerone in Roma" (now at
Venice). The publication of the Saggio also contains the
reproduction of a drawing in red chalk, representing a horse walking
to the left and supported by a scaffolding, given here on Pl. LXXVI,
No. 1. It must remain uncertain whether this represents the model as
it stood during the preparations for casting it, or whether--as
seems to me highly improbable--this sketch shows the model as it was
exhibited in 1493 on the Piazza del Castello in Milan under a
triumphal arch, on the occasion of the marriage of the Emperor
Maximilian to Bianca Maria Sforza. The only important point here is
to prove that strong evidence seems to show that, of the numerous
studies for the equestrian statue, only those which represent the
horse pacing agree with the schemes of the final plans.

The second group of preparatory sketches, representing the horse as
galloping, must therefore be considered separately, a distinction
which, in recapitulating the history of the origin of the monument
seems justified by the note given under No. 720.

Galeazza Maria Sforza was assassinated in 1476 before his scheme for
erecting a monument to his father Francesco Sforza could be carried
into effect. In the following year Ludovico il Moro the young
aspirant to the throne was exiled to Pisa, and only returned to
Milan in 1479 when he was Lord (Governatore) of the State of Milan,
in 1480 after the minister Cecco Simonetta had been murdered. It may
have been soon after this that Ludovico il Moro announced a
competition for an equestrian statue, and it is tolerably certain
that Antonio del Pollajuolo took part in it, from this passage in
Vasari's Life of this artist: "E si trovo, dopo la morte sua, il
disegno e modello che a Lodovico Sforza egli aveva fatto per la
statua a cavallo di Francesco Sforza, duca di Milano; il quale
disegno e nel nostro Libro, in due modi: in uno egli ha sotto
Verona; nell'altro, egli tutto armato, e sopra un basamento pieno di
battaglie, fa saltare il cavallo addosso a un armato; ma la cagione
perche non mettesse questi disegni in opera, non ho gia potuto
sapere." One of Pollajuolo's drawings, as here described, has lately
been discovered by Senatore Giovanni Morelli in the Munich
Pinacothek. Here the profile of the horseman is a portrait of
Francesco Duke of Milan, and under the horse, who is galloping to
the left, we see a warrior thrown and lying on the ground; precisely
the same idea as we find in some of Leonardo's designs for the
monument, as on Pl. LXVI, LXVII, LXVIII, LXIX and LXXII No. 1; and,
as it is impossible to explain this remarkable coincidence by
supposing that either artist borrowed it from the other, we can only
conclude that in the terms of the competition the subject proposed
was the Duke on a horse in full gallop, with a fallen foe under its
hoofs.

Leonardo may have been in the competition there and then, but the
means for executing the monument do not seem to have been at once
forthcoming. It was not perhaps until some years later that Leonardo
in a letter to the Duke (No. 719) reminded him of the project for
the monument. Then, after he had obeyed a summons to Milan, the plan
seems to have been so far modified, perhaps in consequence of a
remonstrance on the part of the artist, that a pacing horse was
substituted for one galloping, and it may have been at the same time
that the colossal dimensions of the statue were first decided on.
The designs given on Pl. LXX, LXXI, LXXII, 2 and 3, LXXIII and LXXIV
and on pp. 4 and 24, as well as three sketches on Pl. LXIX may be
studied with reference to the project in its new form, though it is
hardly possible to believe that in either of these we see the design
as it was actually carried out. It is probable that in Milan
Leonardo worked less on drawings, than in making small models of wax
and clay as preparatory to his larger model. Among the drawings
enumerated above, one in black chalk, Pl. LXXIII--the upper sketch
on the right hand side, reminds us strongly of the antique statue of
Marcus Aurelius. If, as it would seem, Leonardo had not until then
visited Rome, he might easily have known this statue from drawings
by his former master and friend Verrocchio, for Verrocchio had been
in Rome for a long time between 1470 and 1480. In 1473 Pope Sixtus
IV had this antique equestrian statue restored and placed on a new
pedestal in front of the church of San Giovanni in Luterano.
Leonardo, although he was painting independently as early as in 1472
is still spoken of as working in Verrocchio's studio in 1477. Two
years later the Venetian senate decided on erecting an equestrian
statue to Colleoni; and as Verrocchio, to whom the work was
entrusted, did not at once move from Florence to Venice--where he
died in 1488 before the casting was completed--but on the contrary
remained in Florence for some years, perhaps even till 1485,
Leonardo probably had the opportunity of seeing all his designs for
the equestrian statue at Venice and the red chalk drawing on Pl.
LXXIV may be a reminiscence of it.

The pen and ink drawing on Pl. LXXII, No. 3, reminds us of
Donatello's statue of Gattamelata at Padua. However it does not
appear that Leonardo was ever at Padua before 1499, but we may
conclude that he took a special interest in this early bronze statue
and the reports he could procure of it, form an incidental remark
which is to be found in C. A. 145a; 432a, and which will be given in
Vol. II under Ricordi or Memoranda. Among the studies--in the widest
sense of the word--made in preparation statue we may include the
Anatomy of the Horse which Lomazzo and Vas mention; the most
important parts of this work still exist in the Queen's Li Windsor.
It was beyond a doubt compiled by Leonardo when at Milan; only
interesting records to be found among these designs are reproduced
in Nos. 716a but it must be pointed out that out of 40 sheets of
studies of the movements of the belonging to that treatise, a horse
in full gallop occurs but once.

If we may trust the account given by Paulus Jovius--about l527--
Leonardo's horse was represented as "vehementer incitatus et
anhelatus". Jovius had probably seen the model exhibited at Milan;
but, need we, in fact, infer from this description that the horse
was galloping? Compare Vasari's description of the Gattamelata
monument at Padua: "Egli [Donatello] vi ando ben volentieri, e fece
il cavallo di bronzo, che e in sulla piazza di Sant Antonio, nel
quale si dimostra lo sbuffamento ed il fremito del cavallo, ed il
grande animo e la fierezza vivacissimamente espressa dall'arte nella
figura che lo cavalca".

These descriptions, it seems to me, would only serve to mark the
difference between the work of the middle ages and that of the
renaissance.

We learn from a statement of Sabba da Castiglione that, when Milan
was taken by the French in 1499, the model sustained some injury;
and this informant, who, however is not invariably trustworthy, adds
that Leonardo had devoted fully sixteen years to this work (la forma
del cavallo, intorno a cui Leonardo avea sedici anni continui
consumati). This often-quoted passage has given ground for an
assumption, which has no other evidence to support it, that Leonardo
had lived in Milan ever since 1483. But I believe it is nearer the
truth to suppose that this author's statement alludes to the fact
that about sixteen years must have past since the competition in
which Leonardo had taken part.

I must in these remarks confine myself strictly to the task in hand
and give no more of the history of the Sforza monument than is
needed to explain the texts and drawings I have been able to
reproduce. In the first place, with regard to the drawings, I may
observe that they are all, with the following two exceptions, in the
Queen's Library at Windsor Castle; the red chalk drawing on Pl.
LXXVI No. 1 is in the MS. C. A. (see No. 7l2) and the fragmentary
pen and ink drawing on page 4 is in the Ambrosian Library. The
drawings from Windsor on Pl. LXVI have undergone a trifling
reduction from the size of the originals.

There can no longer be the slightest doubt that the well-known
engraving of several horsemen (Passavant, Le Peintre-Graveur, Vol.
V, p. 181, No. 3) is only a copy after original drawings by
Leonardo, executed by some unknown engraver; we have only to compare
the engraving with the facsimiles of drawings on Pl. LXV, No. 2, Pl.
LXVII, LXVIII and LXIX which, it is quite evident, have served as
models for the engraver.

On Pl. LXV No. 1, in the larger sketch to the right hand, only the
base is distinctly visible, the figure of the horseman is effaced.
Leonardo evidently found it unsatisfactory and therefore rubbed it
out.

The base of the monument--the pedestal for the equestrian statue--is
repeatedly sketched on a magnificent plan. In the sketch just
mentioned it has the character of a shrine or aedicula to contain a
sarcophagus. Captives in chains are here represented on the
entablature with their backs turned to that portion of the monument
which more

strictly constitutes the pedestal of the horse. The lower portion of
the aedicula is surrounded by columns. In the pen and ink drawing
Pl. LXVI--the lower drawing on the right hand side--the sarcophagus
is shown between the columns, and above the entablature is a plinth
on which the horse stands. But this arrangement perhaps seemed to
Leonardo to lack solidity, and in the little sketch on the left
hand, below, the sarcophagus is shown as lying under an arched
canopy. In this the trophies and the captive warriors are detached
from the angles. In the first of these two sketches the place for
the trophies is merely indicated by a few strokes; in the third
sketch on the left the base is altogether broader, buttresses and
pinnacles having been added so as to form three niches. The black
chalk drawing on Pl. LXVIII shows a base in which the angles are
formed by niches with pilasters. In the little sketch to the extreme
left on Pl. LXV, No. 1, the equestrian statue serves to crown a
circular temple somewhat resembling Bramante's tempietto of San
Pietro in Montario at Rome, while the sketch above to the right
displays an arrangement faintly reminding us of the tomb of the
Scaligers in Verona. The base is thus constructed of two platforms
or slabs, the upper one considerably smaller than the lower one
which is supported on flying buttresses with pinnacles.

On looking over the numerous studies in which the horse is not
galloping but merely walking forward, we find only one drawing for
the pedestal, and this, to accord with the altered character of the
statue, is quieter and simpler in style (Pl. LXXIV). It rises almost
vertically from the ground and is exactly as long as the pacing
horse. The whole base is here arranged either as an independent
baldaquin or else as a projecting canopy over a recess in which the
figure of the deceased Duke is seen lying on his sarcophagus; in the
latter case it was probably intended as a tomb inside a church.
Here, too, it was intended to fill the angles with trophies or
captive warriors. Probably only No. 724 in the text refers to the
work for the base of the monument.

If we compare the last mentioned sketch with the description of a
plan for an equestrian monument to Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (No. 725)
it seems by no means impossible that this drawing is a preparatory
study for the very monument concerning which the manuscript gives us
detailed information. We have no historical record regarding this
sketch nor do the archives in the Trivulzio Palace give us any
information. The simple monument to the great general in San Nazaro
Maggiore in Milan consists merely of a sarcophagus placed in recess
high on the wall of an octagonal chapel. The figure of the warrior
is lying on the sarcophagus, on which his name is inscribed; a piece
of sculpture which is certainly not Leonardo's work. Gian Giacomo
Trivulzio died at Chartres in 1518, only five months before
Leonardo, and it seems to me highly improbable that this should have
been the date of this sketch; under these circumstances it would
have been done under the auspices of Francis I, but the Italian
general was certainly not in favour with the French monarch at the
time. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio was a sworn foe to Ludovico il Moro,
whom he strove for years to overthrow. On the 6th September 1499 he
marched victorious into Milan at the head of a French army. In a
short time, however, he was forced to quit Milan again when Ludovico
il Moro bore down upon the city with a force of Swiss troops. On the
15th of April following, after defeating Lodovico at Novara,
Trivulzio once more entered Milan as a Conqueror, but his hopes of
becoming _Governatore_ of the place were soon wrecked by intrigue.
This victory and triumph, historians tell us, were signalised by
acts of vengeance against the dethroned Sforza, and it might have
been particularly flattering to him that the casting and
construction of the Sforza monument were suspended for the time.

It must have been at this moment--as it seems to me--that he
commissioned the artist to prepare designs for his own monument,
which he probably intended should find a place in the Cathedral or
in some other church. He, the husband of Margherita di Nicolino
Colleoni, would have thought that he had a claim to the same
distinction and public homage as his less illustrious connection had
received at the hands of the Venetian republic. It was at this very
time that Trivulzio had a medal struck with a bust portrait of
himself and the following remarkable inscription on the reverse:_
DEO FAVENTE--1499--DICTVS--10--IA--EXPVLIT--LVDOVICV--SF--
(Sfortiam) DVC-- (ducem) MLI (Mediolani)--NOIE
(nomine)--REGIS--FRANCORVM--EODEM--ANN --(anno) RED'T (redit)--LVS
(Ludovicus)--SVPERATVS ET CAPTVS--EST--AB--EO. _In the Library of
the Palazzo Trivulzio there is a MS. of Callimachus Siculus written
at the end of the XVth or beginning of the XVIth century. At the
beginning of this MS. there is an exquisite illuminated miniature of
an equestrian statue with the name of the general on the base; it is
however very doubtful whether this has any connection with
Leonardo's design.

Nos. 731-740, which treat of casting bronze, have probably a very
indirect bearing on the arrangements made for casting the equestrian
statue of Francesco Sforza. Some portions evidently relate to the
casting of cannon. Still, in our researches about Leonardo's work on
the monument, we may refer to them as giving us some clue to the
process of bronze casting at that period.

Some practical hints (706-709).

7O6.

OF A STATUE.

If you wish to make a figure in marble, first make one of clay, and
when you have finished it, let it dry and place it in a case which
should be large enough, after the figure is taken out of it, to
receive also the marble, from which you intend to reveal the figure
in imitation of the one in clay. After you have put the clay figure
into this said case, have little rods which will exactly slip in to
the holes in it, and thrust them so far in at each hole that each
white rod may touch the figure in different parts of it. And colour
the portion of the rod that remains outside black, and mark each rod
and each hole with a countersign so that each may fit into its
place. Then take the clay figure out of this case and put in your
piece of marble, taking off so much of the marble that all your rods
may be hidden in the holes as far as their marks; and to be the
better able to do this, make the case so that it can be lifted up;
but the bottom of it will always remain under the marble and in this
way it can be lifted with tools with great ease.

707.

Some have erred in teaching sculptors to measure the limbs of their
figures with threads as if they thought that these limbs were
equally round in every part where these threads were wound about
them.

708.

MEASUREMENT AND DIVISION OF A STATUE.

Divide the head into 12 degrees, and each degree divide into 12
points, and each point into 12 minutes, and the minutes into minims
and the minims into semi minims.

Degree--point--minute--minim.

709.

Sculptured figures which appear in motion, will, in their standing
position, actually look as if they were falling forward.

[Footnote: _figure di rilievo_. Leonardo applies this term
exclusively to wholly detached figures, especially to those standing
free. This note apparently refers to some particular case, though we
have no knowledge of what that may have been. If we suppose it to
refer to the first model of the equestrian statue of Francesco
Sforza (see the introduction to the notes on Sculpture) this
observation may be regarded as one of his arguments for abandoning
the first scheme of the Sforza Monument, in which the horse was to
be galloping (see page 2). It is also in favour of this theory that
the note is written in a manuscript volume already completed in
1492. Leonardo's opinions as to the shortcomings of plastic works
when compared with paintings are given under No. 655 and 656.]

Notes on the casting of the Sforza monument (710-715).

710.

Three braces which bind the mould.

[If you want to make simple casts quickly, make them in a box of
river sand wetted with vinegar.]

[When you shall have made the mould upon the horse you must make the
thickness of the metal in clay.]

Observe in alloying how many hours are wanted for each
hundredweight. [In casting each one keep the furnace and its fire
well stopped up.] [Let the inside of all the moulds be wetted with
linseed oil or oil of turpentine, and then take a handful of
powdered borax and Greek pitch with aqua vitae, and pitch the mould
over outside so that being under ground the damp may not [damage
it?]

[To manage the large mould make a model of the small mould, make a
small room in proportion.]

[Make the vents in the mould while it is on the horse.]

Hold the hoofs in the tongs, and cast them with fish glue. Weigh the
parts of the mould and the quantity of metal it will take to fill
them, and give so much to the furnace that it may afford to each
part its amount of metal; and this you may know by weighing the clay
of each part of the mould to which the quantity in the furnace must
correspond. And this is done in order that the furnace for the legs
when filled may not have to furnish metal from the legs to help out
the head, which would be impossible. [Cast at the same casting as
the horse the little door]

[Footnote: The importance of the notes included under this number is
not diminished by the fact that they have been lightly crossed out
with red chalk. Possibly they were the first scheme for some fuller
observations which no longer exist; or perhaps they were crossed out
when Leonardo found himself obliged to give up the idea of casting
the equestrian statue. In the original the first two sketches are
above l. 1, and the third below l. 9.]

711.

THE MOULD FOR THE HORSE.

Make the horse on legs of iron, strong and well set on a good
foundation; then grease it and cover it with a coating, leaving each
coat to dry thoroughly layer by layer; and this will thicken it by
the breadth of three fingers. Now fix and bind it with iron as may
be necessary. Moreover take off the mould and then make the
thickness. Then fill the mould by degrees and make it good
throughout; encircle and bind it with its irons and bake it inside
where it has to touch the bronze.

OF MAKING THE MOULD IN PIECES.

Draw upon the horse, when finished, all the pieces of the mould with
which you wish to cover the horse, and in laying on the clay cut it
in every piece, so that when the mould is finished you can take it
off, and then recompose it in its former position with its joins, by
the countersigns.

The square blocks _a b_ will be between the cover and the core, that
is in the hollow where the melted bronze is to be; and these square
blocks of bronze will support the intervals between the mould and
the cover at an equal distance, and for this reason these squares
are of great importance.

The clay should be mixed with sand.

Take wax, to return [what is not used] and to pay for what is used.

Dry it in layers.

Make the outside mould of plaster, to save time in drying and the
expense in wood; and with this plaster enclose the irons [props]
both outside and inside to a thickness of two fingers; make terra
cotta. And this mould can be made in one day; half a boat load of
plaster will serve you.

Good.

Dam it up again with glue and clay, or white of egg, and bricks and
rubbish.

[Footnote: See Pl. LXXV. The figure "40," close to the sketch in the
middle of the page between lines 16 and 17 has been added by a
collector's hand.

In the original, below line 21, a square piece of the page has been
cut out about 9 centimetres by 7 and a blank piece has been gummed
into the place.

Lines 22-24 are written on the margin. l. 27 and 28 are close to the
second marginal sketch. l. 42 is a note written above the third
marginal sketch and on the back of this sheet is the text given as
No. 642. Compare also No. 802.]

712.

All the heads of the large nails.

[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI, No. i. This drawing has already been
published in the "_Saggio delle Opere di L. da Vinci_." Milano 1872,
Pl. XXIV, No. i. But, for various reasons I cannot regard the
editor's suggestions as satisfactory. He says: "_Veggonsi le
armature di legname colle quali forse venne sostenuto il modello,
quando per le nozze di Bianca Maria Sforza con Massimiliano
imperatore, esso fu collocato sotto un arco trionfale davanti al
Castello_."

713.

These bindings go inside.

714.

Salt may be made from human excrements, burnt and calcined, made
into lees and dried slowly at a fire, and all the excrements produce
salt in a similar way and these salts when distilled, are very
strong.

[Footnote: VASARI repeatedly states, in the fourth chapter of his
_Introduzione della Scultura_, that in preparing to cast bronze
statues horse-dung was frequently used by sculptors. If,
notwithstanding this, it remains doubtful whether I am justified in
having introduced here this text of but little interest, no such
doubt can be attached to the sketch which accompanies it.]

715.

METHOD OF FOUNDING AGAIN.

This may be done when the furnace is made [Footnote: this note is
written below the sketches.] strong and bruised.

Models for the horse of the Sforza monument (716-718).

7l6.

Messer Galeazzo's big genet

717.

Messer Galeazzo's Sicilian horse.

[Footnote: These notes are by the side of a drawing of a horse with
figured measurements.]

718.

Measurement of the Sicilian horse the leg from behind, seen in
front, lifted and extended.

[Footnote: There is no sketch belonging to this passage. Galeazze
here probably means Galeazze di San Severino, the famous captain who
married Bianca the daughter of Ludovico il Moro.]

Occasional references to the Sforza monument (719-724).

719.

Again, the bronze horse may be taken in hand, which is to be to the
immortal glory and eternal honour of the happy memory of the prince
your father, and of the illustrious house of Sforza.

[Footnote: The letter from which this passage is here extracted will
be found complete in section XXI. (see the explanation of it, on
page 2).]

720.

On the 23rd of April 1490 I began this book, and recommenced the
horse.

721.

There is to be seen, in the mountains of Parma and Piacenza, a
multitude of shells and corals full of holes, still sticking to the
rocks, and when I was at work on the great horse for Milan, a large
sackful of them, which were found thereabout, was brought to me into
my workshop, by certain peasants.

722.

Believe me, Leonardo the Florentine, who has to do the equestrian
bronze statue of the Duke Francesco that he does not need to care
about it, because he has work for all his life time, and, being so
great a work, I doubt whether he can ever finish it. [Footnote: This
passage is quoted from a letter to a committee at Piacenza for whom
Leonardo seems to have undertaken to execute some work. The letter
is given entire in section XXL; in it Leonardo remonstrates as to
some unreasonable demands.]

723.

Of the horse I will say nothing because I know the times. [Footnote:
This passage occurs in a rough copy of a letter to Ludovico il Moro,
without date (see below among the letters).]

724.

During ten years the works on the marbles have been going on I will
not wait for my payment beyond the time, when my works are finished.
[Footnote: This possibly refers to the works for the pedestal of the
equestrian statue concerning which we have no farther information in
the MSS. See p. 6.]

The project of the Trivulzio monument.

725.

THE MONUMENT TO MESSER GIOVANNI JACOMO DA TREVULZO.

[2] Cost of the making and materials for the horse [5].

[Footnote: In the original, lines 2-5, 12-14, 33-35, are written on
the margin. This passage has been recently published by G. Govi in
Vol. V, Ser. 3a, of _Transunti, Reale Accademia dei Linea, sed. del
5 Giugno, 1881,_ with the following introductory note: _"Desidero
intanto che siano stampati questi pochi frammenti perche so che sono
stati trascritti ultimamente, e verranno messi in luce tra poco
fuori d'Italia. Li ripubblichi pure chi vuole, ma si sappia almeno
che anche tra noi si conoscevano, e s'eran raccolti da anni per
comporne, quando che fosse, una edizione ordinata degli scritti di
Leonardo."_

The learned editor has left out line 22 and has written 3 _pie_ for
8 _piedi_ in line 25. There are other deviations of less importance
from the original.]

A courser, as large as life, with the rider requires for the cost of
the metal, duc. 500.

And for cost of the iron work which is inside the model, and
charcoal, and wood, and the pit to cast it in, and for binding the
mould, and including the furnace where it is to be cast ... duc.
200.

To make the model in clay and then in wax......... duc. 432.

To the labourers for polishing it when it is cast. ....... duc. 450.

in all. . duc. 1582.

[12] Cost of the marble of the monument [14].

Cost of the marble according to the drawing. The piece of marble
under the horse which is 4 braccia long, 2 braccia and 2 inches wide
and 9 inches thick 58 hundredweight, at 4 Lire and 10 Soldi per
hundredweight.. duc. 58.

And for 13 braccia and 6 inches of cornice, 7 in. wide and 4 in.
thick, 24 hundredweight....... duc. 24.

And for the frieze and architrave, which is 4 br. and 6 in. long, 2
br. wide and 6 in. thick, 29 hundredweight., duc. 20.

And for the capitals made of metal, which are 8, 5 inches in. square
and 2 in. thick, at the price of 15 ducats each, will come to......
duc. 122.

And for 8 columns of 2 br. 7 in., 4 1/2 in. thick, 20 hundredweight
duc. 20.

And for 8 bases which are 5 1/2 in. square and 2 in. high 5 hund'..
duc. 5.

And for the slab of the tombstone 4 br. io in. long, 2 br. 4 1/2 in.
wide 36 hundredweight....... duc. 36.

And for 8 pedestal feet each 8 br. long and 6 1/2 in. wide and 6 1/2
in. thick, 20 hundredweight come to... duc. 20.

And for the cornice below which is 4 br. and 10 in. long, and 2 br.
and 5 in. wide, and 4 in. thick, 32 hund'.. duc. 32.

And for the stone of which the figure of the deceased is to be made
which is 3 br. and 8 in. long, and 1 br. and 6 in. wide, and 9 in.
thick, 30 hund'.. duc. 30.

And for the stone on which the figure lies which is 3 br. and 4 in.
long and 1 br. and 2 in., wide and 4 1/2 in. thick duc. 16.

And for the squares of marble placed between the pedestals which are
8 and are 9 br. long and 9 in. wide, and 3 in. thick, 8
hundredweight . . . duc. 8. in all. . duc. 389.

[33]Cost of the work in marble[35].

Round the base on which the horse stands there are 8 figures at 25
ducats each ............ duc. 200.

And on the same base there are 8 festoons with some other ornaments,
and of these there are 4 at the price of 15 ducats each, and 4 at
the price of 8 ducats each ....... duc. 92.

And for squaring the stones duc. 6.

Again, for the large cornice which goes below the base on which the
horse stands, which is 13 br. and 6 in., at 2 due. per br. ......
duc. 27.

And for 12 br. of frieze at 5 due. per br. ........... duc. 60.

And for 12 br. of architrave at 1 1/2 duc. per br. ....... duc. 18.

And for 3 rosettes which will be the soffit of the monument, at 20
ducats each .......... duc. 60.

And for 8 fluted columns at 8 ducats each ......... duc. 64.

And for 8 bases at 1 ducat each, duc. 8.

And for 8 pedestals, of which 4 are at 10 duc. each, which go above
the angles; and 4 at 6 duc. each .. duc. 64.

And for squaring and carving the moulding of the pedestals at 2 duc.
each, and there are 8 .... duc. 16.

And for 6 square blocks with figures and trophies, at 25 duc. each
.. duc. 150.

And for carving the moulding of the stone under the figure of the
deceased .......... duc. 40.

For the statue of the deceased, to do it well .......... duc. 100.

For 6 harpies with candelabra, at 25 ducats each ......... duc. 150.

For squaring the stone on which the statue lies, and carving the
moulding ............ duc. 20.

in all .. duc. 1075.

The sum total of every thing added together amount to ...... duc.
3046.

726.

MINT AT ROME.

It can also be made without a spring. But the screw above must
always be joined to the part of the movable sheath: [Margin note:
The mint of Rome.] [Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI. This passage is taken
from a note book which can be proved to have been used in Rome.]

All coins which do not have the rim complete, are not to be accepted
as good; and to secure the perfection of their rim it is requisite
that, in the first place, all the coins should be a perfect circle;
and to do this a coin must before all be made perfect in weight, and
size, and thickness. Therefore have several plates of metal made of
the same size and thickness, all drawn through the same gauge so as
to come out in strips. And out of [24] these strips you will stamp
the coins, quite round, as sieves are made for sorting chestnuts
[27]; and these coins can then be stamped in the way indicated
above; &c.

[31] The hollow of the die must be uniformly wider than the lower,
but imperceptibly [35].

This cuts the coins perfectly round and of the exact thickness, and
weight; and saves the man who cuts and weighs, and the man who makes
the coins round. Hence it passes only through the hands of the
gauger and of the stamper, and the coins are very superior.
[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI No. 2. The text of lines 31-35 stands
parallel 1. 24-27.

Farther evidence of Leonardo's occupations and engagements at Rome
under Pope Leo X. may be gathered from some rough copies of letters
which will be found in this volume. Hitherto nothing has been known
of his work in Rome beyond some doubtful, and perhaps mythical,
statements in Vasari.]

727.

POWDER FOR MEDALS.

The incombustible growth of soot on wicks reduced to powder, burnt
tin and all the metals, alum, isinglass, smoke from a brass forge,
each ingredient to be moistened, with aqua vitae or malmsey or
strong malt vinegar, white wine or distilled extract of turpentine,
or oil; but there should be little moisture, and cast in moulds.
[Margin note: On the coining of medals (727. 728).] [Footnote: The
meaning of _scagliuolo_ in this passage is doubtful.]

728.

OF TAKING CASTS OF MEDALS.

A paste of emery mixed with aqua vitae, or iron filings with
vinegar, or ashes of walnut leaves, or ashes of straw very finely
powdered.

[Footnote: The meaning of _scagliuolo_ in this passage is doubtful.]

The diameter is given in the lead enclosed; it is beaten with a
hammer and several times extended; the lead is folded and kept
wrapped up in parchment so that the powder may not be spilt; then
melt the lead, and the powder will be on the top of the melted lead,
which must then be rubbed between two plates of steel till it is
thoroughly pulverised; then wash it with aqua fortis, and the
blackness of the iron will be dissolved leaving the powder clean.

Emery in large grains may be broken by putting it on a cloth many
times doubled, and hit it sideways with the hammer, when it will
break up; then mix it little by little and it can be founded with
ease; but if you hold it on the anvil you will never break it, when
it is large.

Any one who grinds smalt should do it on plates of tempered steel
with a cone shaped grinder; then put it in aqua fortis, which melts
away the steel that may have been worked up and mixed with the
smalt, and which makes it black; it then remains purified and clean;
and if you grind it on porphyry the porphyry will work up and mix
with the smalt and spoil it, and aqua fortis will never remove it
because it cannot dissolve the porphyry.

If you want a fine blue colour dissolve the smalt made with tartar,
and then remove the salt.

Vitrified brass makes a fine red.

729.

STUCCO.

Place stucco over the prominence of the..... which may be composed
of Venus and Mercury, and lay it well over that prominence of the
thickness of the side of a knife, made with the ruler and cover this
with the bell of a still, and you will have again the moisture with
which you applied the paste. The rest you may dry [Margin note: On
stucco (729. 730).] [Footnote: In this passage a few words have been
written in a sort of cipher--that is to say backwards; as in l. 3
_erenev_ for _Venere_, l. 4 _oirucrem_ for Mercurio, l. 12 _il
orreve co ecarob_ for _il everro (?) co borace_. The meaning of the
word before _"di giesso"_ in l. 1 is unknown; and the sense, in
which _sagoma_ is used here and in other passages is obscure.--
_Venere_ and _Mercurio_ may mean 'marble' and 'lime', of which
stucco is composed.

12. The meaning of _orreve_ is unknown.]

well; afterwards fire it, and beat it or burnish it with a good
burnisher, and make it thick towards the side.

STUCCO.

Powder ... with borax and water to a paste, and make stucco of it,
and then heat it so that it may dry, and then varnish it, with fire,
so that it shines well.

730.

STUCCO FOR MOULDING.

Take of butter 6 parts, of wax 2 parts, and as much fine flour as
when put with these 2 things melted, will make them as firm as wax
or modelling clay.

GLUE.

Take mastic, distilled turpentine and white lead.

On bronze casting generally (731-740).

731.

TO CAST.

Tartar burnt and powdered with plaster and cast cause the plaster to
hold together when it is mixed up again; and then it will dissolve
in water.

732.

TO CAST BRONZE IN PLASTER.

Take to every 2 cups of plaster 1 of ox-horns burnt, mix them
together and make your cast with it.

733.

When you want to take a cast in wax, burn the scum with a candle,
and the cast will come out without bubbles.

734.

2 ounces of plaster to a pound of metal;-- walnut, which makes it
like the curve.

[Footnote: The second part of this is quite obscure.]

735.

[Dried earth 16 pounds, 100 pounds of metal wet clay 20,--of wet
100,-half,- which increases 4 Ibs. of water,--1 of wax, 1 Ib. of
metal, a little less,-the scrapings of linen with earth, measure for
measure.] [Footnote: The translation is given literally, but the
meaning is quite obscure.]

736.

Such as the mould is, so will the cast be.

737.

HOW CASTS OUGHT TO BE POLISHED.

Make a bunch of iron wire as thick as thread, and scrub them with
[this and] water; hold a bowl underneath that it may not make a mud
below.

HOW TO REMOVE THE ROUGH EDGES FROM BRONZE.

Make an iron rod, after the manner of a large chisel, and with this
rub over those seams on the bronze which remain on the casts of the
guns, and which are caused by the joins in the mould; but make the
tool heavy enough, and let the strokes be long and broad.

TO FACILITATE MELTING.

First alloy part of the metal in the crucible, then put it in the
furnace, and this being in a molten state will assist in beginning
to melt the copper.

TO PREVENT THE COPPER COOLING IN THE FURNACE.

When the copper cools in the furnace, be ready, as soon as you
perceive it, to cut it with a long stick while it is still in a
paste; or if it is quite cold cut it as lead is cut with broad and
large chisels.

IF YOU HAVE TO MAKE A LARGE CAST.

If you have to make a cast of a hundred thousand pounds do it with
two furnaces and with 2000 pounds in each, or as much as 3000 pounds
at most.

738.

HOW TO PROCEED TO BREAK A LARGE MASS OF BRONZE.

If you want to break up a large mass of bronze, first suspend it,
and then make round it a wall on the four sides, like a trough of
bricks, and make a great fire therein. When it is quite red hot give
it a blow with a heavy weight raised above it, and with great force.

739.

TO COMBINE LEAD WITH OTHER METAL.

If you wish for economy in combining lead with the metal in order to
lessen the amount of tin which is necessary in the metal, first
alloy the lead with the tin and then add the molten copper.

How TO MELT [METAL] IN A FURNACE.

The furnace should be between four well founded pillars.

OF THE THICKNESS OF THE COATING.

The coating should not be more than two fingers thick, it should be
laid on in four thicknesses over fine clay and then well fixed, and
it should be fired only on the inside and then carefully covered
with ashes and cow's dung.

OF THE THICKNESS OF THE GUN.

The gun being made to carry 600 Ibs. of ball and more, by this rule
you will take the measure of the diameter of the ball and divide it
into 6 parts and one of these parts will be its thickness at the
muzzle; but at the breech it must always be half. And if the ball is
to be 700 lbs., 1/7th of the diameter of the ball must be its
thickness in front; and if the ball is to be 800, the eighth of its
diameter in front; and if 900, 1/8th and 1/2 [3/16], and if 1000,
1/9th.

OF THE LENGTH OF THE BODY OF THE GUN.

If you want it to throw a ball of stone, make the length of the gun
to be 6, or as much as 7 diameters of the ball; and if the ball is
to be of iron make it as much as 12 balls, and if the ball is to be
of lead, make it as much as 18 balls. I mean when the gun is to have
the mouth fitted to receive 600 lbs. of stone ball, and more.

OF THE THICKNESS OF SMALL GUNS.

The thickness at the muzzle of small guns should be from a half to
one third of the diameter of the ball, and the length from 30 to 36
balls.

740.

OF LUTING THE FURNACE WITHIN.

The furnace must be luted before you put the metal in it, with earth
from Valenza, and over that with ashes.

[Footnote 1. 2.: _Terra di Valenza_.--Valenza is north of
Alessandria on the Po.]

OF RESTORING THE METAL WHEN IT IS BECOMING COOL.

When you see that the bronze is congealing take some willow-wood cut
in small chips and make up the fire with it.

THE CAUSE OF ITS CURDLING.

I say that the cause of this congealing often proceeds from too much
fire, or from ill-dried wood.

TO KNOW THE CONDITION OF THE FIRE.

You may know when the fire is good and fit for your purpose by a
clear flame, and if you see the tips of the flames dull and ending
in much smoke do not trust it, and particularly when the flux metal
is almost fluid.

OF ALLOYING THE METAL.

Metal for guns must invariably be made with 6 or even 8 per cent,
that is 6 of tin to one hundred of copper, for the less you put in,
the stronger will the gun be.

WHEN THE TIN SHOULD BE ADDED TO THE COPPER.

The tin should be put in with the copper when the copper is reduced
to a fluid.

HOW TO HASTEN THE MELTING.

You can hasten the melting when 2/3ds of the copper is fluid; you
can then, with a stick of chestnut-wood, repeatedly stir what of
copper remains entire amidst what is melted.

_Introductory Observations on the Architectural Designs (XII), and
Writings on Architecture (XIII)._

_Until now very little has been known regarding Leonardo's labours
in the domain of Architecture. No building is known to have been
planned and executed by him, though by some contemporary writers
incidental allusion is made to his occupying himself with
architecture, and his famous letter to Lodovico il Moro,--which has
long been a well-known document,--in which he offers his service as
an architect to that prince, tends to confirm the belief that he was
something more than an amateur of the art. This hypothesis has
lately been confirmed by the publication of certain documents,
preserved at Milan, showing that Leonardo was not only employed in
preparing plans but that he took an active part, with much credit,
as member of a commission on public buildings; his name remains
linked with the history of the building of the Cathedral at Pavia
and that of the Cathedral at Milan._

_Leonardo's writings on Architecture are dispersed among a large
number of MSS., and it would be scarcely possible to master their
contents without the opportunity of arranging, sorting and comparing
the whole mass of materials, so as to have some comprehensive idea
of the whole. The sketches, when isolated and considered by
themselves, might appear to be of but little value; it is not till
we understand their general purport, from comparing them with each
other, that we can form any just estimate of their true worth._

_Leonardo seems to have had a project for writing a complete and
separate treatise on Architecture, such as his predecessors and
contemporaries had composed--Leon Battista Alberti, Filarete,
Francesco di Giorgio and perhaps also Bramante. But, on the other
hand, it cannot be denied that possibly no such scheme was connected
with the isolated notes and researches, treating on special
questions, which are given in this work; that he was merely working
at problems in which, for some reason or other he took a special
interest._

_A great number of important buildings were constructed in Lombardy
during the period between 1472 and 1499, and among them there are
several by unknown architects, of so high an artistic merit, that it
is certainly not improbable that either Bramante or Leonardo da
Vinci may have been, directly or indirectly, concerned in their
erection._

_Having been engaged, for now nearly twenty years, in a thorough
study of Bramante's life and labours, I have taken a particular
interest in detecting the distinguishing marks of his style as
compared with Leonardo's. In 1869 I made researches about the
architectural drawings of the latter in the Codex Atlanticus at
Milan, for the purpose of finding out, if possible the original
plans and sketches of the churches of Santa Maria delle Grazie at
Milan, and of the Cathedral at Pavia, which buildings have been
supposed to be the work both of Bramante and of Leonardo. Since 1876
I have repeatedly examined Leonardo's architectural studies in the
collection of his manuscripts in the Institut de France, and some of
these I have already given to the public in my work on_ "Les Projets
Primitifs pour la Basilique de St. Pierre de Rome", _P1. 43. In 1879
I had the opportunity of examining the manuscript in the Palazzo
Trivulzio at Milan, and in 1880 Dr Richter showed me in London the
manuscripts in the possession of Lord Ashburnham, and those in the
British Museum. I have thus had opportunities of seeing most of
Leonardo's architectural drawings in the original, but of the
manuscripts tliemselves I have deciphered only the notes which
accompany the sketches. It is to Dr Richter's exertions that we owe
the collected texts on Architecture which are now published, and
while he has undertaken to be responsible for the correct reading of
the original texts, he has also made it his task to extract the
whole of the materials from the various MSS. It has been my task to
arrange and elucidate the texts under the heads which have been
adopted in this work. MS. B. at Paris and the Codex Atlanticus at
Milan are the chief sources of our knowledge of Leonardo as an
architect, and I have recently subjected these to a thorough
re-investigation expressly with a view to this work._

_A complete reproduction of all Leonardo's architectural sketches
has not, indeed, been possible, but as far as the necessarily
restricted limits of the work have allowed, the utmost completeness
has been aimed at, and no efforts have been spared to include every
thing that can contribute to a knowledge of Leonardo's style. It
would have been very interesting, if it had been possible, to give
some general account at least of Leonardo's work and studies in
engineering, fortification, canal-making and the like, and it is
only on mature reflection that we have reluctantly abandoned this
idea. Leonardo's occupations in these departments have by no means
so close a relation to literary work, in the strict sense of the
word as we are fairly justified in attributing to his numerous notes
on Architecture._

_Leonardo's architectural studies fall naturally under two heads:_

_I. Those drawings and sketches, often accompanied by short remarks
and explanations, which may be regarded as designs for buildings or
monuments intended to be built. With these there are occasionally
explanatory texts._

_II. Theoretical investigations and treatises. A special interest
attaches to these because they discuss a variety of questions which
are of practical importance to this day. Leonardo's theory as to the
origin and progress of cracks in buildings is perhaps to be
considered as unique in its way in the literature of Architecture._

_HENRY DE GEYMULLER_

_XII._

_Architectural Designs._

_I. Plans for towns._

_A. Sketches for laying out a new town with a double system of high-
level and low-level road-ways._

_Pl. LXXVII, No. 1 (MS. B, 15b). A general view of a town, with the
roads outside it sloping up to the high-level ways within._

_Pl. LXXVII, No. 3 (MS. B, 16b. see No. 741; and MS. B. 15b, see No.
742) gives a partial view of the town, with its streets and houses,
with explanatory references._

_Pl. LXXVII, No. 2 (MS. B, 15b; see No. 743). View of a double
staircaise with two opposite flights of steps._

_Pl. LXXVIII, Nos. 2 and 3 (MS. B, 37a). Sketches illustrating the
connection of the two levels of roads by means of steps. The lower
galleries are lighted by openings in the upper roadway._

_B. Notes on removing houses (MS. Br. M., 270b, see No. 744)._

741.

The roads _m_ are 6 braccia higher than the roads _p s_, and each
road must be 20 braccia wide and have 1/2 braccio slope from the
sides towards the middle; and in the middle let there be at every
braccio an opening, one braccio long and one finger wide, where the
rain water may run off into hollows made on the same level as _p s_.
And on each side at the extremity of the width of the said road let
there be an arcade, 6 braccia broad, on columns; and understand that
he who would go through the whole place by the high level streets
can use them for this purpose, and he who would go by the low level
can do the same. By the high streets no vehicles and similar objects
should circulate, but they are exclusively for the use of gentlemen.
The carts and burdens for the use and convenience of the inhabitants
have to go by the low ones. One house must turn its back to the
other, leaving the lower streets between them. Provisions, such as
wood, wine and such things are carried in by the doors _n_, and
privies, stables and other fetid matter must be emptied away
underground. From one arch to the next

742.

must be 300 braccia, each street receiving its light through the
openings of the upper streets, and at each arch must be a winding
stair on a circular plan because the corners of square ones are
always fouled; they must be wide, and at the first vault there must
be a door entering into public privies and the said stairs lead from
the upper to the lower streets and the high level streets begin
outside the city gates and slope up till at these gates they have
attained the height of 6 braccia. Let such a city be built near the
sea or a large river in order that the dirt of the city may be
carried off by the water.

743.

The construction of the stairs: The stairs _c d_ go down to _f g_,
and in the same way _f g_ goes down to _h k_.

744.

ON MOVING HOUSES.

Let the houses be moved and arranged in order; and this will be done
with facility because such houses are at first made in pieces on the
open places, and can then be fitted together with their timbers in
the site where they are to be permanent.

[9] Let the men of the country [or the village] partly inhabit the
new houses when the court is absent [12].

[Footnote: On the same page we find notes referring to Romolontino
and Villafranca with a sketch-map of the course of the "Sodro" and
the "(Lo)cra" (both are given in the text farther on). There can
hardly be a doubt that the last sentence of the passage given above,
refers to the court of Francis I. King of France.--L.9-13 are
written inside the larger sketch, which, in the original, is on the
right hand side of the page by the side of lines 1-8. The three
smaller sketches are below. J. P. R.]

_II. Plans for canals and streets in a town.

Pl. LXXIX, 1. and 2, (MS. B, 37b, see No. 745, and MS. B. 36a, see
No. 746). A Plan for streets and canals inside a town, by which the
cellars of the houses are made accessible in boats.

The third text given under No. 747 refers to works executed by
Leonardo in France._

745.

The front _a m_ will give light to the rooms; _a e_ will be 6
braccia--_a b_ 8 braccia --_b e_ 30 braccia, in order that the rooms
under the porticoes may be lighted; _c d f_ is the place where the
boats come to the houses to be unloaded. In order to render this
arrangement practicable, and in order that the inundation of the
rivers may not penetrate into the cellars, it is necessary to chose
an appropriate situation, such as a spot near a river which can be
diverted into canals in which the level of the water will not vary
either by inundations or drought. The construction is shown below;
and make choice of a fine river, which the rains do not render
muddy, such as the Ticino, the Adda and many others. [Footnote 12:
_Tesino, Adda e molti altri, i.e._ rivers coming from the mountains
and flowing through lakes.] The construction to oblige the waters to
keep constantly at the same level will be a sort of dock, as shown
below, situated at the entrance of the town; or better still, some
way within, in order that the enemy may not destroy it [14].

[Footnote: L. 1-4 are on the left hand side and within the sketch
given on Pl. LXXIX, No. I. Then follows after line 14, the drawing
of a sluicegate--_conca_--of which the use is explained in the text
below it. On the page 38a, which comes next in the original MS. is
the sketch of an oval plan of a town over which is written "_modo di
canali per la citta_" and through the longer axis of it "_canale
magior_" is written with "_Tesino_" on the prolongation of the
canal. J. P. R.]

746.

Let the width of the streets be equal to the average height of the
houses.

747.

The main underground channel does not receive turbid water, but that
water runs in the ditches outside the town with four mills at the
entrance and four at the outlet; and this may be done by damming the
water above Romorantin.

[11]There should be fountains made in each piazza[13].

[Footnote: In the original this text comes immediately after the
passage given as No. 744. The remainder of the writing on the same
page refers to the construction of canals and is given later, in the
"Topographical Notes".

Lines 1-11 are written to the right of the plan lines 11-13
underneath it. J. P. R.]

[Footnote 10: _Romolontino_ is Romorantin, South of Orleans in
France.]

_III. Castles and Villas.

A. Castles.

Pl. LXXX, No. 1 (P. V. fol. 39b; No. d'ordre 2282). The fortified
place here represented is said by Vallardi to be the_ "castello" _at
Milan, but without any satisfactory reason. The high tower behind
the_ "rivellino" _ravelin--seems to be intended as a watch-tower.

Pl. LXXX, No. 2 (MS. B, 23b). A similarly constructed tower probably
intended for the same use.

Pl. LXXX, No. 3 (MS. B). Sketches for corner towers with steps for a
citadel.

Pl. LXXX, No. 4 (W. XVI). A cupola crowning a corner tower; an
interesting example of decorative fortification. In this
reproduction of the original pen and ink drawing it appears
reversed.

B. Projects for Palaces.

Pl. LXXXI, No. 2 (MS. C. A, 75b; 221a, see No. 748). Project for a
royal residence at Amboise in France.

Pl. LXXXII, No. 1 (C. A 308a; 939a). A plan for a somewhat extensive
residence, and various details; but there is no text to elucidate
it; in courts are written the three names:

Sam                   cosi                   giova
       _(St. Mark)_           _(Cosmo)_               _(John)_,
arch                   mo                     nino

C. Plans for small castles or Villas.

The three following sketches greatly resemble each other. Pl.
LXXXII, No. 2 (MS. K3 36b; see No. 749)._

_Pl. LXXXII, No. 3 (MS. B 60a; See No. 750).

Pl. LXXXIII (W. XVII). The text on this sheet refers to Cyprus (see
Topographical Notes No. 1103), but seems to have no direct
connection with the sketches inserted between.

Pl. LXXXVIII, Nos. 6 and 7 (MS. B, 12a; see No. 751). A section of a
circular pavilion with the plan of a similar building by the side of
it. These two drawings have a special historical interest because
the text written below mentions the Duke and Duchess of Milan.

The sketch of a villa on a terrace at the end of a garden occurs in
C. A. 150; and in C. A. 77b; 225b is another sketch of a villa
somewhat resembling the_ Belvedere _of Pope Innocent VIII, at Rome.
In C. A. 62b; 193b there is a Loggia.

Pl. LXXXII, No. 4 (C. A. 387a; 1198a) is a tower-shaped_ Loggia
_above a fountain. The machinery is very ingeniously screened from
view._

748.

The Palace of the prince must have a piazza in front of it.

Houses intended for dancing or any kind of jumping or any other
movements with a multitude of people, must be on the ground- floor;
for I have already witnessed the destruction of some, causing death
to many persons, and above all let every wall, be it ever so thin,
rest on the ground or on arches with a good foundation.

Let the mezzanines of the dwellings be divided by walls made of very
thin bricks, and without wood on account of fire.

Let all the privies have ventilation [by shafts] in the thickness of
the walls, so as to exhale by the roofs.

The mezzanines should be vaulted, and the vaults will be stronger in
proportion as they are of small size.

The ties of oak must be enclosed in the walls in order to be
protected from fire.

[Footnote: The remarks accompanying the plan reproduced on Pl.
LXXXI, No. 2 are as follows: Above, to the left: "_in_ a _angholo
stia la guardia de la sstalla_" (in the angle _a_ may be the keeper
of the stable). Below are the words "_strada dabosa_" (road to
Amboise), parallel with this "_fossa br 40_" (the moat 40 braccia)
fixing the width of the moat. In the large court surrounded by a
portico "_in terre No.--Largha br.80 e lugha br 120_." To the right
of the castle is a large basin for aquatic sports with the words
"_Giostre colle nave cioe li giostra li stieno sopra le na_"
(Jousting in boats that is the men are to be in boats). J. P. R.]

The privies must be numerous and going one into the other in order
that the stench may not penetrate into the dwellings., and all their
doors must shut off themselves with counterpoises.

The main division of the facade of this palace is into two portions;
that is to say the width of the court-yard must be half the whole
facade; the 2nd ...

749.

30 braccia wide on each side; the lower entrance leads into a hall
10 braccia wide and 30 braccia long with 4 recesses each with a
chimney.

[Footnote: On each side of the castle, Pl. LXXXII. No. 2 there are
drawings of details, to the left "_Camino_" a chimney, to the right
the central lantern, sketched in red "_8 lati_" _i.e._ an octagon.]

750.

The firststorey [or terrace] must be entirely solid.

751.

The pavilion in the garden of the Duchess of Milan.

The plan of the pavilion which is in the middle of the labyrinth of
the Duke of Milan.

[Footnote: This passage was first published by AMORETTI in _Memorie
Storiche_ Cap. X: Una sua opera da riportarsi a quest' anno fu il
bagno fatto per la duchessa Beatrice nel parco o giardino del
Castello. Lionardo non solo ne disegno il piccolo edifizio a foggia
di padiglione, nel cod. segnato Q. 3, dandone anche separatamente la
pianta; ma sotto vi scrisse: Padiglione del giardino della duchessa;
e sotto la pianta: Fondamento del padiglione ch'e nel mezzo del
labirinto del duca di Milano; nessuna data e presso il padiglione,
disegnato nella pagina 12, ma poco sopra fra molti circoli
intrecciati vedesi = 10 Luglio 1492 = e nella pagina 2 presso ad
alcuni disegni di legumi qualcheduno ha letto Settembre 1482 in vece
di 1492, come dovea scriverevi, e probabilmente scrisse Lionardo.

The original text however hardly bears the interpretation put upon
it by AMORETTI. He is mistaken as to the mark on the MS. as well as
in his statements as to the date, for the MS. in question has no
date; the date he gives occurs, on the contrary, in another
note-book. Finally, it appears to me quite an open question whether
Leonardo was the architect who carried out the construction of the
dome-like Pavilion here shown in section, or of the ground plan of
the Pavilion drawn by the side of it. Must we, in fact, suppose that
"_il duca di Milano_" here mentioned was, as has been generally
assumed, Ludovico il Moro? He did not hold this title from the
Emperor before 1494; till that date he was only called _Governatore_
and Leonardo in speaking of him, mentions him generally as "_il
Moro_" even after 1494. On January 18, 1491, he married Beatrice
d'Este the daughter of Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara. She died on the
2nd January 1497, and for the reasons I have given it seems
improbable that it should be this princess who is here spoken of as
the "_Duchessa di Milano_". From the style of the handwriting it
appears to me to be beyond all doubt that the MS. B, from which this
passage is taken, is older than the dated MSS. of 1492 and 1493. In
that case the Duke of Milan here mentioned would be Gian Galeazzo
(1469-1494) and the Duchess would be his wife Isabella of Aragon, to
whom he was married on the second February 1489. J. P. R.]

752.

The earth that is dug out from the cellars must be raised on one
side so high as to make a terrace garden as high as the level of the
hall; but between the earth of the terrace and the wall of the
house, leave an interval in order that the damp may not spoil the
principal walls.

_IV. Ecclesiastical Architecture.

A. General Observations._

753.

A building should always be detached on all sides so that its form
may be seen.

[Footnote: The original text is reproduced on Pl. XCII, No. 1 to the
left hand at the bottom.]

754.

Here there cannot and ought not to be any _campanile_; on the
contrary it must stand apart like that of the Cathedral and of San
Giovanni at Florence, and of the Cathedral at Pisa, where the
campanile is quite detached as well as the dome. Thus each can
display its own perfection. If however you wish to join it to the
church, make the lantern serve for the campanile as in the church at
Chiaravalle.

[Footnote: This text is written by the side of the plan given on Pl.
XCI. No. 2.]

[Footnote 12: The Abbey of Chiaravalle, a few miles from Milan, has
a central tower on the intersection of the cross in the style of
that of the Certosa of Pavia, but the style is mediaeval (A. D.
1330). Leonardo seems here to mean, that in a building, in which the
circular form is strongly conspicuous, the campanile must either be
separated, or rise from the centre of the building and therefore
take the form of a lantern.]

755.

It never looks well to see the roofs of a church; they should rather
be flat and the water should run off by gutters made in the frieze.

[Footnote: This text is to the left of the domed church reproduced
on Pl. LXXXVII, No. 2.]

_B. The theory of Dome Architecture.

This subject has been more extensively treated by Leonardo in
drawings than in writing. Still we may fairly assume that it was his
purpose, ultimately to embody the results of his investigation in a_
"Trattato delle Cupole." _The amount of materials is remarkably
extensive. MS. B is particularly rich in plans and elevations of
churches with one or more domes--from the simplest form to the most
complicated that can be imagined. Considering the evident connexion
between a great number of these sketches, as well as the
impossibility of seeing in them designs or preparatory sketches for
any building intended to be erected, the conclusion is obvious that
they were not designed for any particular monument, but were
theoretical and ideal researches, made in order to obtain a clear
understanding of the laws which must govern the construction of a
great central dome, with smaller ones grouped round it; and with or
without the addition of spires, so that each of these parts by
itself and in its juxtaposition to the other parts should produce
the grandest possible effect.

In these sketches Leonardo seems to have exhausted every imaginable
combination. [Footnote 1: In MS. B, 32b (see Pl. C III, No. 2) we
find eight geometrical patterns, each drawn in a square; and in MS.
C.A., fol. 87 to 98 form a whole series of patterns done with the
same intention.] The results of some of these problems are perhaps
not quite satisfactory; still they cannot be considered to give
evidence of a want of taste or of any other defect in Leonardo s
architectural capacity. They were no doubt intended exclusively for
his own instruction, and, before all, as it seems, to illustrate the
features or consequences resulting from a given principle._

_I have already, in another place,_ [Footnote 1: Les Projets
Primitifs pour la Basilique de St. Pierre de Rome, par Bramante,
Raphael etc.,Vol. I, p. 2.] _pointed out the law of construction for
buildings crowned by a large dome: namely, that such a dome, to
produce the greatest effect possible, should rise either from the
centre of a Greek cross, or from the centre of a structure of which
the plan has some symmetrical affinity to a circle, this circle
being at the same time the centre of the whole plan of the building.

Leonardo's sketches show that he was fully aware, as was to be
expected, of this truth. Few of them exhibit the form of a Latin
cross, and when this is met with, it generally gives evidence of the
determination to assign as prominent a part as possible to the dome
in the general effect of the building.

While it is evident, on the one hand, that the greater number of
these domes had no particular purpose, not being designed for
execution, on the other hand several reasons may be found for
Leonardo's perseverance in his studies of the subject.

Besides the theoretical interest of the question for Leonardo and
his_ Trattato _and besides the taste for domes prevailing at that
time, it seems likely that the intended erection of some building of
the first importance like the Duomos of Pavia and Como, the church
of Sta. Maria delle Grazie at Milan, and the construction of a Dome
or central Tower_ (Tiburio) _on the cathedral of Milan, may have
stimulated Leonardo to undertake a general and thorough
investigation of the subject; whilst Leonardo's intercourse with
Bramante for ten years or more, can hardly have remained without
influence in this matter. In fact now that some of this great
Architect's studies for S. Peter's at Rome have at last become
known, he must be considered henceforth as the greatest master of
Dome-Architecture that ever existed. His influence, direct or
indirect even on a genius like Leonardo seems the more likely, since
Leonardo's sketches reveal a style most similar to that of Bramante,
whose name indeed, occurs twice in Leonardo's manuscript notes. It
must not be forgotten that Leonardo was a Florentine; the
characteristic form of the two principal domes of Florence, Sta.
Maria del Fiore and the Battisterio, constantly appear as leading
features in his sketches.

The church of San Lorenzo at Milan, was at that time still intact.
The dome is to this day one of the most wonderful cupolas ever
constructed, and with its two smaller domes might well attract the
attention and study of a never resting genius such as Leonardo. A
whole class of these sketches betray in fact the direct influence of
the church of S. Lorenzo, and this also seems to have suggested the
plan of Bramante's dome of St. Peter's at Rome.

In the following pages the various sketches for the construction of
domes have been classified and discussed from a general point of
view. On two sheets: Pl. LXXXIV (C.A. 354b; 118a) and Pl. LXXXV,
Nos. 1-11 (Ash. II, 6b) we see various dissimilar types, grouped
together; thus these two sheets may be regarded as a sort of
nomenclature of the different types, on which we shall now have to
treat._

_1. Churches formed on the plan of a Greek cross.

Group I.

Domes rising from a circular base.

The simplest type of central building is a circular edifice.

Pl. LXXXIV, No. 9. Plan of a circular building surrounded by a
colonnade.

Pl. LXXXIV, No. 8. Elevation of the former, with a conical roof.

Pl. XC. No. 5. A dodecagon, as most nearly approaching the circle.

Pl. LXXXVI, No. 1, 2, 3. Four round chapels are added at the
extremities of the two principal axes;--compare this plan with fig.
1 on p. 44 and fig. 3 on p. 47 (W. P. 5b) where the outer wall is
octagonal.

Group II.

Domes rising from a square base.

The plan is a square surrounded by a colonnade, and the dome seems
to be octagonal.

Pl. LXXXIV. The square plan below the circular building No. 8, and
its elevation to the left, above the plan: here the ground-plan is
square, the upper storey octagonal. A further development of this
type is shown in two sketches C. A. 3a (not reproduced here), and in

Pl. LXXXVI, No. 5 (which possibly belongs to No. 7 on Pl. LXXXIV).

Pl, LXXXV, No. 4, and p. 45, Fig. 3, a Greek cross, repeated p. 45,
Fig. 3, is another development of the square central plan.

The remainder of these studies show two different systems; in the
first the dome rises from a square plan,--in the second from an
octagonal base._

_Group III.

Domes rising from a square base and four pillars. [Footnote 1: The
ancient chapel San Satiro, via del Falcone, Milan, is a specimen of
this type.]_

a) First type. _A Dome resting on four pillars in the centre of a
square edifice, with an apse in the middle, of each of the four
sides. We have eleven variations of this type.

aa) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 3.

bb) Pl. LXXX, No. 5.

cc) Pl. LXXXV, Nos. 2, 3, 5.

dd) Pl. LXXXIV, No. 1 and 4 beneath.

ee) Pl. LXXXV, Nos. 1, 7, 10, 11._

b) Second type. _This consists in adding aisles to the whole plan of
the first type; columns are placed between the apses and the aisles;
the plan thus obtained is very nearly identical with that of S.
Lorenzo at Milan.

Fig. 1 on p. 56. (MS. B, 75a) shows the result of this treatment
adapted to a peculiar purpose about which we shall have to say a few
words later on.

Pl. XCV, No. 1, shows the same plan but with the addition of a short
nave. This plan seems to have been suggested by the general
arrangement of S. Sepolcro at Milan.

MS. B. 57b (see the sketch reproduced on p.51). By adding towers in
the four outer angles to the last named plan, we obtain a plan which
bears the general features of Bramante's plans for S. Peter's at
Rome. [Footnote 2: See_ Les projets primitifs _etc., Pl. 9-12.] (See
p. 51 Fig. 1.)

Group IV.

Domes rising from an octagonal base.

This system, developed according to two different schemes, has given
rise to two classes with many varieties.

In a) On each side of the octagon chapels of equal form are added.

In b) The chapels are dissimilar; those which terminate the
principal axes being different in form from those which are added on
the diagonal sides of the octagon.

a. First Class.

The Chapel_ "degli Angeli," _at Florence, built only to a height of
about 20 feet by Brunellesco, may be considered as the prototype of
this group; and, indeed it probably suggested it. The fact that we
see in MS. B. 11b (Pl. XCIV, No. 3) by the side of Brunellesco's
plan for the Basilica of Sto. Spirito at Florence, a plan almost
identical with that of the_ Capella degli Angeli, _confirms this
supposition. Only two small differences, or we may say improvements,
have been introduced by Leonardo. Firstly the back of the chapels
contains a third niche, and each angle of the Octagon a folded
pilaster like those in Bramante's_ Sagrestia di S. M. presso San
Satiro _at Milan, instead of an interval between the two pilasters
as seen in the Battistero at Florence and in the Sacristy of Sto.
Spirito in the same town and also in the above named chapel by
Brunellesco.

The first set of sketches which come under consideration have at
first sight the appearance of mere geometrical studies. They seem to
have been suggested by the plan given on page 44 Fig. 2 (MS. B, 55a)
in the centre of which is written_ "Santa Maria in perticha da
Pavia", _at the place marked A on the reproduction.

a) (MS. B, 34b, page 44 Fig. 3). In the middle of each side a column
is added, and in the axes of the intercolumnar spaces a second row
of columns forms an aisle round the octagon. These are placed at the
intersection of a system of semicircles, of which the sixteen
columns on the sides of the octagon are the centres.

b) The preceding diagram is completed and becomes more monumental in
style in the sketch next to it (MS. B, 35a, see p. 45 Fig. 1). An
outer aisle is added by circles, having for radius the distance
between the columns in the middle sides of the octagon.

c) (MS. B. 96b, see p. 45 Fig. 2). Octagon with an aisle round it;
the angles of both are formed by columns. The outer sides are formed
by 8 niches forming chapels. The exterior is likewise octagonal,
with the angles corresponding to the centre of each of the interior
chapels.

Pl. XCII, No. 2 (MS. B. 96b). Detail and modification of the
preceding plan--half columns against piers--an arrangement by which
the chapels of the aisle have the same width of opening as the inner
arches between the half columns. Underneath this sketch the
following note occurs:_ questo vole - avere 12 facce - co 12
tabernaculi - come - _a_ - _b_. _(This will have twelve sides with
twelve tabernacles as_ a b._) In the remaining sketches of this
class the octagon is not formed by columns at the angles.

The simplest type shows a niche in the middle of each side and is
repeated on several sheets, viz: MS. B 3; MS. C.A. 354b (see Pl.
LXXXIV, No. 11) and MS. Ash II 6b; (see Pl. LXXXV, No. 9 and the
elevations No. 8; Pl. XCII, No. 3; MS. B. 4b [not reproduced here]
and Pl. LXXXIV, No. 2)._

_Pl. XCII, 3 (MS. B, 56b) corresponds to a plan like the one in MS.
B 35a, in which the niches would be visible outside or, as in the
following sketch, with the addition of a niche in the middle of each
chapel.

Pl. XC, No. 6. The niches themselves are surrounded by smaller
niches (see also No. 1 on the same plate).

Octagon expanded on each side.

A. by a square chapel:

MS. B. 34b (not reproduced here).

B. by a square with 3 niches:

MS. B. 11b (see Pl. XCIV, No. 3).

C. by octagonal chapels:

a) MS. B, 21a; Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 4.

b) No. 2 on the same plate. Underneath there is the remark:_
"quest'e come le 8 cappele ano a essere facte" _(this is how the
eight chapels are to be executed).

c) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 5. Elevation to the plans on the same sheet, it
is accompanied by the note:_ "ciasscuno de' 9 tiburi no'uole -
passare l'alteza - di - 2 - quadri" _(neither of the 9 domes must
exceed the height of two squares).

d) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 1. Inside of the same octagon. MS. B, 30a, and
34b; these are three repetitions of parts of the same plan with very
slight variations.

D. by a circular chapel:

MS. B, 18a (see Fig. 1 on page 47) gives the plan of this
arrangement in which the exterior is square on the ground floor with
only four of the chapels projecting, as is explained in the next
sketch.

Pl. LXXXIX, MS. B, 17b. Elevation to the preceding plan sketched on
the opposite side of the sheet, and also marked A. It is accompanied
by the following remark, indicating the theoretical character of
these studies:_ questo - edifitio - anchora - starebbe - bene
affarlo dalla linja - _a_ - _b_ - _c_ - _d_ - insu. _("This edifice
would also produce a good effect if only the part above the lines_ a
b, c d, _were executed").

Pl. LXXXIV, No. 11. The exterior has the form of an octagon, but the
chapels project partly beyond it. On the left side of the sketch
they appear larger than on the right side.

Pl. XC, No. 1, (MS. B, 25b); Repetition of Pl. LXXXIV, No. 11.

Pl. XC, No. 2. Elevation to the plan No. 1, and also to No. 6 of the
same sheet._

_E. By chapels formed by four niches:

Pl. LXXXIV, No. 7 (the circular plan on the left below) shows this
arrangement in which the central dome has become circular inside and
might therefore be classed after this group. [Footnote 1: This plan
and some others of this class remind us of the plan of the Mausoleum
of Augustus as it is represented for instance by Durand. See_ Cab.
des Estampes, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Topographie de Rome, V,
6, 82._]

The sketch on the right hand side gives most likely the elevation
for the last named plan.

F. By chapels of still richer combinations, which necessitate an
octagon of larger dimensions:

Pl. XCI, No. 2 (MS. Ash. 11. 8b) [Footnote 2: The note accompanying
this plan is given under No. 754.]; on this plan the chapels
themselves appear to be central buildings formed like the first type
of the third group. Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 3.

Pl. XCI, No. 2 above; the exterior of the preceding figure,
particularly interesting on account of the alternation of apses and
niches, the latter containing statues of a gigantic size, in
proportion to the dimension of the niches.

b. Second Class.

Composite plans of this class are generally obtained by combining
two types of the first class--the one worked out on the principal
axes, the other on the diagonal ones.

MS. B. 22 shows an elementary combination, without any additions on
the diagonal axes, but with the dimensions of the squares on the two
principal axes exceeding those of the sides of the octagon.

In the drawing W. P. 5b (see page 44 Fig. 1) the exterior only of
the edifice is octagonal, the interior being formed by a circular
colonnade; round chapels are placed against the four sides of the
principal axes.

The elevation, drawn on the same sheet (see page 47 Fig. 3), shows
the whole arrangement which is closely related with the one on Pl.
LXXXVI No. 1, 2.

MS. B. 21a shows:

a) four sides with rectangular chapels crowned by pediments Pl.
LXXXVII No. 3 (plan and elevation);

b) four sides with square chapels crowned by octagonal domes. Pl.
LXXXVII No. 4; the plan underneath.

MS. B. 18a shows a variation obtained by replacing the round chapels
in the principal axes of the sketch MS. B. l8a by square ones, with
an apse. Leonardo repeated both ideas for better comparison side by
side, see page 47. Fig. 2.

Pl. LXXXIX (MS. B. 17b). Elevation for the preceding figure. The
comparison of the drawing marked M with the plan on page 47 Fig. 2,
bearing the same mark, and of the elevation on Pl. LXXXIX below
(marked A) with the corresponding plan on page 47 is highly
instructive, as illustrating the spirit in which Leonardo pursued
these studies.

Pl. LXXXIV No. 12 shows the design Pl. LXXXVII No. 3 combined with
apses, with the addition of round chapels on the diagonal sides.

Pl. LXXXIV No. 13 is a variation of the preceding sketch.

Pl. XC No. 3. MS. B. 25b. The round chapels of the preceding sketch
are replaced by octagonal chapels, above which rise campaniles.

Pl. XC No. 4 is the elevation for the preceding plan.

Pl. XCII No. 1. (MS. B. 39b.); the plan below. On the principal as
well as on the diagonal axes are diagonal chapels, but the latter
are separated from the dome by semicircular recesses. The
communication between these eight chapels forms a square aisle round
the central dome.

Above this figure is the elevation, showing four campaniles on the
angles. [Footnote 1: The note accompanying this drawing is
reproduced under No. 753.]

Pl. LXXXIV No. 3. On the principal axes are square chapels with
three niches; on the diagonals octagonal chapels with niches. Cod.
Atl. 340b gives a somewhat similar arrangement.

MS. B. 30. The principal development is thrown on the diagonal axes
by square chapels with three niches; on the principal axes are inner
recesses communicating with outer ones.

The plan Pl. XCIII No. 2 (MS. B. 22) differs from this only in so
far as the outer semicircles have become circular chapels,
projecting from the external square as apses; one of them serves as
the entrance by a semicircular portico.

The elevation is drawn on the left side of the plan.

MS. B. 19. A further development of MS. B. 18, by employing for the
four principal chapels the type Pl. LXXXVIII No. 3, as we have
already seen in Pl. XCI No. 2; the exterior presents two varieties.

a) The outer contour follows the inner. [Footnote 2: These chapels
are here sketched in two different sizes; it is the smaller type
which is thus formed.]

b) It is semicircular.

Pl. LXXXVII No. 2 (MS. B. 18b) Elevation to the first variation MS.
B. 19. If we were not certain that this sketch was by Leonardo, we
might feel tempted to take it as a study by Bramante for St. Peter's
at Rome. [Footnote 3: See_ Les projets primitifs Pl. 43._]_

_MS. P. V. 39b. In the principal axes the chapels of MS. B. 19, and
semicircular niches on the diagonals. The exterior of the whole
edifice is also an octagon, concealing the form of the interior
chapels, but with its angles on their axes.

Group V.

Suggested by San Lorenzo at Milan.

In MS. C. A. 266 IIb, 8l2b there is a plan almost identical with
that of San Lorenzo. The diagonal sides of the irregular octagon are
not indicated.

If it could be proved that the arches which, in the actual church,
exist on these sides in the first story, were added in 1574 by
Martimo Bassi, then this plan and the following section would be
still nearer the original state of San Lorenzo than at present. A
reproduction of this slightly sketched plan has not been possible.
It may however be understood from Pl. LXXXVIII No. 3, by suppressing
the four pillars corresponding to the apses.

Pl. LXXXVII No. 1 shows the section in elevation corresponding with
the above-named plan. The recessed chapels are decorated with large
shells in the halfdomes like the arrangement in San Lorenzo, but
with proportions like those of Bramante's Sacristy of Santa Maria
presso S. Satiro.

MS. C. A. 266; a sheet containing three views of exteriors of Domes.
On the same sheet there is a plan similar to the one above-named but
with uninterrupted aisles and with the addition of round chapels in
the axes (compare Pl. XCVII No. 3 and page 44 Fig. 1), perhaps a
reminiscence of the two chapels annexed to San Lorenzo.--Leonardo
has here sketched the way of transforming this plan into a Latin
cross by means of a nave with side aisles.

Pl. XCI No. 1. Plan showing a type deprived of aisles and comprised
in a square building which is surrounded by a portico. It is
accompanied by the following text:_

756.

This edifice is inhabited [accessible] below and above, like San
Sepolcro, and it is the same above as below, except that the upper
story has the dome _c d_; and the [Footnote: The church of San
Sepolcro at Milan, founded in 1030 and repeatedly rebuilt after the
middle of the XVIth century, still stands over the crypt of the
original structure.] lower has the dome _a b_, and when you enter
into the crypt, you descend 10 steps, and when you mount into the
upper you ascend 20 steps, which, with 1/3 braccio for each, make 10
braccia, and this is the height between one floor of the church and
the other.

_Above the plan on the same sheet is a view of the exterior. By the
aid of these two figures and the description, sections of the
edifice may easily be reconstructed. But the section drawn on the
left side of the building seems not to be in keeping with the same
plan, notwithstanding the explanatory note written underneath it:
"dentro il difitio di sopra" (interior of the edifice
above)[Footnote 1: _The small inner dome corresponds to_ a b _on the
plan--it rises from the lower church into the upper-- above, and
larger, rises the dome_ c d. _The aisles above and below thus
correspond_ (e di sopra come di sotto, salvoche etc.). _The only
difference is, that in the section Leonardo has not taken the
trouble to make the form octagonal, but has merely sketched circular
lines in perspective._ J. P. R._].

_Before leaving this group, it is well to remark that the germ of it
seems already indicated by the diagonal lines in the plans Pl. LXXXV
No. 11 and No. 7. We shall find another application of the same type
to the Latin cross in Pl. XCVII No. 3.

_2. Churches formed on the plan of a Latin cross.

We find among Leonardo's studies several sketches for churches on
the plan of the Latin cross; we shall begin by describing them, and
shall add a few observations.

A. Studies after existing Monuments.

Pl. XCIV No. 2. (MS. B. 11b.) Plan of Santo Spirito at Florence, a
basilica built after the designs of Brunellesco.--Leonardo has added
the indication of a portico in front, either his own invention or
the reproduction of a now lost design.

Pl. XCV No. 2. Plan accompanied by the words: "A_ e santo sepolcro
di milano di sopra"(A _is the upper church of S. Sepolcro at Milan);
although since Leonardo's time considerably spoilt, it is still the
same in plan.

The second plan with its note: "B_ e la sua parte socto tera" (B _is
its subterranean part [the crypt]) still corresponds with the
present state of this part of the church as I have ascertained by
visiting the crypt with this plan. Excepting the addition of a few
insignificant walls, the state of this interesting part of the
church still conforms to Leonardo's sketch; but in the Vestibolo the
two columns near the entrance of the winding stairs are absent.

B. Designs or Studies.

PL. XCV No. 1. Plan of a church evidently suggested by that of San
Sepolcro at Milan. The central part has been added to on the
principle of the second type of Group III. Leonardo has placed the_
"coro" _(choir) in the centre._

_Pl. XCVI No. 2. In the plan the dome, as regards its interior,
belongs to the First Class of Group IV, and may be grouped with the
one in MS. B. 35a. The nave seems to be a development of the type
represented in Pl. XCV No. 2, B. by adding towers and two lateral
porticos[Footnote 1: Already published in Les projets primitifs Pl.
XLIII.].

On the left is a view of the exterior of the preceding plan. It is
accompanied by the following note:_

757.

This building is inhabited below and above; the way up is by the
campaniles, and in going up one has to use the platform, where the
drums of the four domes are, and this platform has a parapet in
front, and none of these domes communicate with the church, but they
are quite separate.

_Pl. XCVI No. 1 (MS. C. A. 16b; 65a). Perspective view of a church
seen from behind; this recalls the Duomo at Florence, but with two
campaniles[Footnote 2: Already published in the Saggio Pl. IX.].

Pl. XCVII No. 3 (MS. B. 52a). The central part is a development of
S. Lorenzo at Milan, such as was executed at the Duomo of Pavia.
There is sufficient analogy between the building actually executed
and this sketch to suggest a direct connection between them.
Leonardo accompanied Francesco di Giorgio[Footnote 3: See MALASPINA,
il Duomo di Pavia. Documents.] when the latter was consulted on June
21st, 1490 as to this church; the fact that the only word
accompanying the plan is:_ "sagrestia", _seems to confirm our
supposition, for the sacristies were added only in 1492, i. e. four
years after the beginning of the Cathedral, which at that time was
most likely still sufficiently unfinished to be capable of receiving
the form of the present sketch.

Pl. XCVII No. 2 shows the exterior of this design. Below is the
note:_ edifitio al proposito del fodameto figurato di socto
_(edifice proper for the ground plan figured below).

Here we may also mention the plan of a Latin cross drawn in MS. C.
A. fol. 266 (see p. 50).

Pl. XCIV No. 1 (MS. L. 15b). External side view of Brunellesco's
Florentine basilica San Lorenzo, seen from the North.

Pl. XCIV No. 4 (V. A. V, 1). Principal front of a nave, most likely
of a church on the plan of a Latin cross. We notice here not only
the principal features which were employed afterwards in Alberti's
front of S. Maria Novella, but even details of a more advanced
style, such as we are accustomed to meet with only after the year
1520.

In the background of Leonardo's unfinished picture of St. Jerome
(Vatican Gallery) a somewhat similar church front is indicated (see
the accompanying sketch).

[Illustration with caption: The view of the front of a temple,
apparently a dome in the centre of four corinthian porticos bearing
pediments (published by Amoretti Tav. II. B as being by Leonardo),
is taken from a drawing, now at the Ambrosian Gallery. We cannot
consider this to be by the hand of the master.]_

_C. Studies for a form of a Church most proper for preaching.

The problem as to what form of church might answer the requirements
of acoustics seems to have engaged Leonardo's very particular
attention. The designation of_ "teatro" _given to some of these
sketches, clearly shows which plan seemed to him most favourable for
hearing the preacher's voice.

Pl. XCVII, No. 1 (MS. B, 52). Rectangular edifice divided into three
naves with an apse on either side, terminated by a semicircular
theatre with rising seats, as in antique buildings. The pulpit is in
the centre. Leonardo has written on the left side of the sketch_:
"teatro da predicare" _(Theatre for preaching).

MS. B, 55a (see page 56, Fig. 1). A domed church after the type of
Pl. XCV, No. 1, shows four theatres occupying the apses and facing
the square_ "coro" _(choir), which is in the centre between the four
pillars of the dome.[Footnote 1: The note_ teatro de predicar, _on
the right side is, I believe, in the handwriting of Pompeo Leoni. J.
P. R.] The rising arrangement of the seats is shown in the sketch
above. At the place marked_ B _Leonardo wrote_ teatri per uldire
messa _(rows of seats to hear mass), at_ T teatri,_ and at_ C coro
_(choir).

In MS. C.A. 260, are slight sketches of two plans for rectangular
choirs and two elevations of the altar and pulpit which seem to be
in connection with these plans.

In MS. Ash II, 8a (see p. 56 and 57. Fig. 2 and 3)._ "Locho dove si
predica" _(Place for preaching). A most singular plan for a
building. The interior is a portion of a sphere, the centre of which
is the summit of a column destined to serve as the preacher's
pulpit. The inside is somewhat like a modern theatre, whilst the
exterior and the galleries and stairs recall the ancient
amphitheatres.

[Illustration with caption: Page 57, Fig. 4. A plan accompanying the
two preceding drawings. If this gives the complete form Leonardo
intended for the edifice, it would have comprised only about two
thirds of the circle. Leonardo wrote in the centre_ "fondamento", _a
word he often employed for plans, and on the left side of the view
of the exterior:_ locho dove si predicha _(a place for preaching
in)._]

_D. Design for a Mausoleum.

Pl. XCVIII (P. V., 182._ No. d'ordre 2386). In the midst of a hilly
landscape rises an artificial mountain in the form of a gigantic
cone, crowned by an imposing temple. At two thirds of the height a
terrace is cut out with six doorways forming entrances to galleries,
each leading to three sepulchral halls, so constructed as to contain
about five hundred funeral urns, disposed in the customary antique
style. From two opposite sides steps ascend to the terrace in a
single flight and beyond it to the temple above. A large circular
opening, like that in the Pantheon, is in the dome above what may be
the altar, or perhaps the central monument on the level of the
terrace below.

The section of a gallery given in the sketch to the right below
shows the roof to be constructed on the principle of superimposed
horizontal layers, projecting one beyond the other, and each
furnished with a sort of heel, which appears to be undercut, so as
to give the appearance of a beam from within. Granite alone would be
adequate to the dimensions here given to the key stone, as the
thickness of the layers can hardly be considered to be less than a
foot. In taking this as the basis of our calculation for the
dimensions of the whole construction, the width of the chamber would
be about 25 feet but, judging from the number of urns it
contains--and there is no reason to suppose that these urns were
larger than usual--it would seem to be no more than about 8 or 10
feet.

The construction of the vaults resembles those in the galleries of
some etruscan tumuli, for instance the Regulini Galeassi tomb at
Cervetri (lately discovered) and also that of the chamber and
passages of the pyramid of Cheops and of the treasury of Atreus at
Mycenae.

The upper cone displays not only analogies with the monuments
mentioned in the note, but also with Etruscan tumuli, such as the
Cocumella tomb at Vulci, and the Regulini Galeassi tomb_[Footnote 1:
_See_ FERSGUSON, _Handbook of Architecture, I,_ 291.]. _The whole
scheme is one of the most magnificent in the history of
Architecture.

It would be difficult to decide as to whether any monument he had
seen suggested this idea to Leonardo, but it is worth while to
enquire, if any monument, or group of monuments of an earlier date
may be supposed to have done so._[Footnote 2: _There are, in
Algiers, two Monuments, commonly called_ "Le Madracen" _and_ "Le
tombeau de la Chretienne," _which somewhat resemble Leonardo's
design. They are known to have served as the Mausolea of the Kings
of Mauritania. Pomponius Mela, the geographer of the time of the
Emperor Claudius, describes them as having been_ "Monumentum commune
regiae gentis." _See_ Le Madracen, Rapport fait par M. le Grand
Rabbin AB. CAHEN, Constantine 1873--Memoire sur les fouilles
executees au Madras'en .. par le Colonel BRUNON, Constantine
l873.--Deux Mausolees Africains, le Madracen et le tombeau de la
Chretienne par M. J. DE LAURIERE, Tours l874.--Le tombeau de la
Chretienne, Mausolee des rois Mauritaniens par M. BERBRUGGER, Alger
1867.--_I am indebted to M. LE BLANC, of the Institut, and M. LUD,
LALANNE, Bibliothecaire of the Institut for having first pointed out
to me the resemblance between these monuments; while M. ANT. HERON
DE VlLLEFOSSE of the Louvre was kind enough to place the
abovementioned rare works at my disposal. Leonardo's observations on
the coast of Africa are given later in this work. The Herodium near
Bethlehem in Palestine_ (Jebel el Fureidis, _the Frank Mountain)
was, according to the latest researches, constructed on a very
similar plan. See_ Der Frankenberg, von Baurath C. SCHICK in
Jerusalem, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins, _Leipzag_
1880, _Vol. III, pages_ 88-99 _and Plates IV and V._ J. P. R.]

_E. Studies for the Central Tower, or Tiburio of Milan Cathedral.

Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Fabbricceria del Duomo
had to settle on the choice of a model for the crowning and central
part of this vast building. We learn from a notice published by G.
L. Calvi [Footnote: G. L. CALVI, Notizie sulla vita e sulle opere
dei principali architetti scultori e pittori che fiorirono in
Milano, Part III, 20. See also: H. DE GEYMULLER, Les projets
primitifs etc. I, 37 and 116-119.--The Fabbricceria of the Duomo has
lately begun the publication of the archives, which may possibly
tell us more about the part taken by Leonardo, than has hitherto
been known.] that among the artists who presented models in the year
1488 were: Bramante, Pietro da Gorgonzola, Luca Paperio (Fancelli),
and Leonardo da Vinci.--

Several sketches by Leonardo refer to this important project:

Pl. XCIX, No. 2 (MS. S. K. III, No. 36a) a small plan of the whole
edifice.--The projecting chapels in the middle of the transept are
wanting here. The nave appears to be shortened and seems to be
approached by an inner "vestibolo".--

Pl. C, No. 2 (Tr. 21). Plan of the octagon tower, giving the
disposition of the buttresses; starting from the eight pillars
adjoining the four principal piers and intended to support the eight
angles of the Tiburio. These buttresses correspond exactly with
those described by Bramante as existing in the model presented by
Omodeo. [Footnote: Bramante's opinion was first published by G.
MONGERl, Arch. stor. Lomb. V, fasc. 3 and afterwards by me in the
publication mentioned in the preceding note.]

Pl. C, 3 (MS. Tr. 16). Two plans showing different arrangements of
the buttresses, which seem to be formed partly by the intersection
of a system of pointed arches such as that seen in **

Pl. C, No. 5 (MS. B, 27a) destined to give a broader base to the
drum. The text underneath is given under No. 788.

MS. B, 3--three slight sketches of plans in connexion with the
preceding ones._

_Pl. XCIX, No.1 (MS. Tr. 15) contains several small sketches of
sections and exterior views of the Dome; some of them show
buttress-walls shaped as inverted arches. Respecting these Leonardo
notes:_

758.

L'arco rivescio e migliore per fare spalla che l'ordinario, perche
il rovescio trova sotto se muro resistete alla sua debolezza, e
l'ordinario no trova nel suo debole se non aria

The inverted arch is better for giving a shoulder than the ordinary
one, because the former finds below it a wall resisting its
weakness, whilst the latter finds in its weak part nothing but air.

[Footnote: _Three slight sketches of sections on the same
leaf--above those reproduced here--are more closely connected with
the large drawing in the centre of Pl. C, No. 4 (M.S, Tr. 41) which
shows a section of a very elevated dome, with double vaults,
connected by ribs and buttresses ingeniously disposed, so as to
bring the weight of the lantern to bear on the base of the dome.

A sketch underneath it shows a round pillar on which is indicated
which part of its summit is to bear the weight: "il pilastro sara
charicho in . a . b." (The column will bear the weight at a b.)
Another note is above on the right side:_ Larcho regiera tanto sotto
asse chome di sopra se _(The arch supports as much below it [i. e. a
hanging weight] as above it).

Pl. C, No. 1 (C. A. 303a). Larger sketch of half section of the
Dome, with a very complicated system of arches, and a double vault.
Each stone is shaped so as to be knit or dovetailed to its
neighbours. Thus the inside of the Dome cannot be seen from below.

MS. C. A. 303b. A repetition of the preceding sketch with very
slight modifications._]

[Figs. 1. and Fig. 2. two sketeches of the dome]

MS. Tr. 9 (see Fig. 1 and 2). Section of the Dome with reverted
buttresses between the windows, above which iron anchors or chains
seem to be intended. Below is the sketch of the outside._

_PI. XCIX, No. 3 (C. A., 262a) four sketches of the exterior of the
Dome.

C. A. 12. Section, showing the points of rupture of a gothic vault,
in evident connection with the sketches described above.

It deserves to be noticed how easily and apparently without effort,
Leonardo manages to combine gothic details and structure with the
more modern shape of the Dome.

The following notes are on the same leaf,_ oni cosa poderosa, _and_
oni cosa poderosa desidera de(scendere); _farther below, several
multiplications most likely intended to calculate the weight of some
parts of the Dome, thus 16 x 47 = 720; 720 x 800 = 176000, next to
which is written:_ peso del pilastro di 9 teste _(weight of the
pillar 9 diameters high).

Below:_ 176000 x 8 = 1408000; _and below:_

Semjlio e se ce 80 (?) il peso del tiburio _(six millions six
hundred (?) 80 the weight of the Dome).

Bossi hazarded the theory that Leonardo might have been the
architect who built the church of Sta. Maria delle Grazie, but there
is no evidence to support this, either in documents or in the
materials supplied by Leonardos manuscripts and drawings. The sketch
given at the side shows the arrangement of the second and third
socle on the apses of the choir of that church; and it is remarkable
that those sketches, in MS. S. K. M. II2, 2a and Ib, occur with the
passage given in Volume I as No. 665 and 666 referring to the
composition of the Last Supper in the Refectory of that church._]

_F. The Project for lifting up the Battistero of Florence and
setting it on a basement._

_Among the very few details Vasari gives as to the architectural
studies of Leonardo, we read: "And among these models and designs
there was one by way of which he showed several times to many
ingenious citizens who then governed Florence, his readiness to lift
up without ruining it, the church of San Giovanni in Florence (the
Battistero, opposite the Duomo) in order to place under it the
missing basement with steps; he supported his assertions with
reasons so persuasive, that while he spoke the undertaking seemed
feasable, although every one of his hearers, when he had departed,
could see by himself the impossibility of so vast an undertaking."_

[Footnote: _This latter statement of Vasari's must be considered to
be exaggerated. I may refer here to some data given by_ LIBRI,
Histoire des sciences mathematiques en Italie (II, 216, 217): "On a
cru dans ces derniers temps faire un miracle en mecanique en
effectuant ce transport, et cependant des l'annee 1455, Gaspard Nadi
et Aristote de Fioravantio avaient transporte, a une distance
considerable, la tour de la Magione de Bologne, avec ses fondements,
qui avait presque quatre-vingts pieds de haut. Le continuateur de la
chronique de Pugliola dit que le trajet fut de 35 pieds et que
durant le transport auquel le chroniqueur affirme avoir assiste, il
arriva un accident grave qui fit pencher de trois pieds la tour
pendant qu'elle etait suspendue, mais que cet accident fut
promptement repare (Muratori, Scriptores rer. ital. Tom. XVIII, col.
717, 718). Alidosi a rapporte une note ou Nadi rend compte de ce
transport avec une rare simplicite. D'apres cette note, on voit que
les operations de ce genre n'etaient pas nouvelles. Celle-ci ne
couta que 150 livres (monnaie d'alors) y compris le cadeau que le
Legat fit aux deux mecaniciens. Dans la meme annee, Aristote
redressa le clocher de Cento, qui penchait de plus de cinq pieds
(Alidosi, instruttione p. 188-- Muratori, Scriptores rer. ital.,
tom. XXIII, col. 888.--Bossii, chronica Mediol., 1492, in-fol. ad
ann. 1455). On ne concoit pas comment les historiens des beaux-arts
ont pu negliger de tels hommes." J. P. R.]

_In the MS. C. A. fol. 293, there are two sketches which possibly
might have a bearing on this bold enterprise. We find there a plan
of a circular or polygonal edifice surrounded by semicircular arches
in an oblique position. These may be taken for the foundation of the
steps and of the new platform. In the perspective elevation the same
edifice, forming a polygon, is shown as lifted up and resting on a
circle of inverted arches which rest on an other circle of arches in
the ordinary position, but so placed that the inverted arches above
rest on the spandrels of the lower range._

_What seems to confirm the supposition that the lifting up of a
building is here in question, is the indication of engines for
winding up, such as jacks, and a rack and wheel. As the lifting
apparatus represented on this sheet does not seem particularly
applicable to an undertaking of such magnitude, we may consider it
to be a first sketch or scheme for the engines to be used._

_G. Description of an unknown Temple._

759.

Twelve flights of steps led up to the great temple, which was eight
hundred braccia in circumference and built on an octagonal plan. At
the eight corners were eight large plinths, one braccia and a half
high, and three wide, and six long at the bottom, with an angle in
the middle; on these were eight great pillars, standing on the
plinths as a foundation, and twenty four braccia high. And on the
top of these were eight capitals three braccia long and six wide,
above which were the architrave frieze and cornice, four braccia and
a half high, and this was carried on in a straight line from one
pillar to the next and so, continuing for eight hundred braccia,
surrounded the whole temple, from pillar to pillar. To support this
entablature there were ten large columns of the same height as the
pillars, three braccia thick above their bases which were one
braccia and a half high.

The ascent to this temple was by twelve flights of steps, and the
temple was on the twelfth, of an octagonal form, and at each angle
rose a large pillar; and between the pillars were placed ten columns
of the same height as the pillars, rising at once from the pavement
to a height of twenty eight braccia and a half; and at this height
the architrave, frieze and cornice were placed which surrounded the
temple having a length of eight hundred braccia. At the same height,
and within the temple at the same level, and all round the centre of
the temple at a distance of 24 braccia farther in, are pillars
corresponding to the eight pillars in the angles, and columns
corresponding to those placed in the outer spaces. These rise to the
same height as the former ones, and over these the continuous
architrave returns towards the outer row of pillars and columns.

[Footnote: Either this description is incomplete, or, as seems to me
highly probable, it refers to some ruin. The enormous dimensions
forbid our supposing this to be any temple in Italy or Greece. Syria
was the native land of colossal octagonal buildings, in the early
centuries A. D. The Temple of Baalbek, and others are even larger
than that here described. J. P. R.]

_V. Palace architecture.

But a small number of Leonardo's drawings refer to the architecture
of palaces, and our knowledge is small as to what style Leonardo
might have adopted for such buildings.

Pl. CII No. 1 (W. XVIII). A small portion of a facade of a palace
in two stories, somewhat resembling Alberti's Palazzo
Rucellai.--Compare with this Bramante's painted front of the Casa
Silvestri, and a painting by Montorfano in San Pietro in Gessate at
Milan, third chapel on the left hand side and also with Bramante's
palaces at Rome. The pilasters with arabesques, the rustica between
them, and the figures over the window may be painted or in
sgraffito. The original is drawn in red chalk.

Pl. LXXXI No. 1 (MS. Tr. 42). Sketch of a palace with battlements
and decorations, most likely graffiti; the details remind us of
those in the Castello at Vigevano._ [Footnote 1: _Count GIULIO
PORRO, in his valuable contribution to the_ Archivio Storico
Lombardo, Anno VIII, Fasc. IV (31 Dec. 1881): Leonardo da Vinci,
Libro di Annotazioni e Memorie, _refers to this in the following
note:_ "Alla pag. 41 vi e uno schizzo di volta ed accanto scrisse:
'il pilastro sara charicho in su 6' e potrebbe darsi che si
riferisse alla cupola della chiesa delle Grazie tanto piu che a
pag. 42 vi e un disegno che rassomiglia assai al basamento che oggi
si vede nella parte esterna del coro di quella chiesa." _This may
however be doubted. The drawing, here referred to, on page 41 of the
same manuscript, is reproduced on Pl. C No. 4 and described on page
61 as being a study for the cupola of the Duomo of Milan._ J. P. R.]

_MS. Mz. 0", contains a design for a palace or house with a loggia
in the middle of the first story, over which rises an attic with a
Pediment reproduced on page 67. The details drawn close by on the
left seem to indicate an arrangement of coupled columns against the
wall of a first story.

Pl. LXXXV No. 14 (MS. S. K. M. Ill 79a) contains a very slight
sketch in red chalk, which most probably is intended to represent
the facade of a palace. Inside is the short note 7 he 7 (7 and 7)._

_MS. J2 8a (see pages 68 Fig. 1 and 2) contains a view of an unknown
palace. Its plan is indicated at the side._

_In MS. Br. M. 126a(see Fig. 3 on page 68) there is a sketch of a
house, on which Leonardo notes; casa con tre terrazi (house with
three terraces)._

_Pl. CX, No. 4 (MS. L. 36b) represents the front of a fortified
building drawn at Cesena in 1502 (see No. 1040)._

_Here we may also mention the singular building in the allegorical
composition represented on Pl. LVIII in Vol. I. In front of it
appears the head of a sphinx or of a dragon which seems to be
carrying the palace away._

_The following texts refer to the construction of palaces and other
buildings destined for private use:_

760.

In the courtyard the walls must be half the height of its width,
that is if the court be 40 braccia, the house must be 20 high as
regards the walls of the said courtyard; and this courtyard must be
half as wide as the whole front.

[Footnote: See Pl. CI, no. 1, and compare the dimensions here given,
with No. 748 lines 26-29; and the drawing belonging to it Pl. LXXXI,
no. 2.]

On the dispositions of a stable.

761.

FOR MAKING A CLEAN STABLE.

The manner in which one must arrange a stable. You must first divide
its width in 3 parts, its depth matters not; and let these 3
divisions be equal and 6 braccia broad for each part and 10 high,
and the middle part shall be for the use of the stablemasters; the 2
side ones for the horses, each of which must be 6 braccia in width
and 6 in length, and be half a braccio higher at the head than
behind. Let the manger be at 2 braccia from the ground, to the
bottom of the rack, 3 braccia, and the top of it 4 braccia. Now, in
order to attain to what I promise, that is to make this place,
contrary to the general custom, clean and neat: as to the upper part
of the stable, i. e. where the hay is, that part must have at its
outer end a window 6 braccia high and 6 broad, through which by
simple means the hay is brought up to the loft, as is shown by the
machine _E_; and let this be erected in a place 6 braccia wide, and
as long as the stable, as seen at _k p_. The other two parts, which
are on either side of this, are again divided; those nearest to the
hay-loft are 4 braccia, _p s_, and only for the use and circulation
of the servants belonging to the stable; the other two which reach
to the outer walls are 2 braccia, as seen at _s k_, and these are
made for the purpose of giving hay to the mangers, by means of
funnels, narrow at the top and wide over the manger, in order that
the hay should not choke them. They must be well plastered and clean
and are represented at 4 _f s_. As to the giving the horses water,
the troughs must be of stone and above them [cisterns of] water. The
mangers may be opened as boxes are uncovered by raising the lids.
[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVIII, No.1.]

Decorations for feasts.

762.

THE WAY TO CONSTRUCT A FRAME-WORK FOR DECORATING BUILDINGS.

The way in which the poles ought to be placed for tying bunches of
juniper on to them. These poles must lie close to the framework of
the vaulting and tie the bunches on with osier withes, so as to clip
them even afterwards with shears.

Let the distance from one circle to another be half a braccia; and
the juniper [sprigs] must lie top downwards, beginning from below.

Round this column tie four poles to which willows about as thick as
a finger must be nailed and then begin from the bottom and work
upwards with bunches of juniper sprigs, the tops downwards, that is
upside down. [Footnote: See Pl. CII, No. 3. The words here given as
the title line, lines 1--4, are the last in the original MS.--Lines
5--16 are written under fig. 4.]

763.

The water should be allowed to fall from the whole circle _a b_.
[Footnote: Other drawings of fountains are given on Pl. CI (W. XX);
the original is a pen and ink drawing on blue paper; on Pl. CIII
(MS. B.) and Pl. LXXXII.]

_VI. Studies of architectural details._

_Several of Leonardo's drawings of architectural details prove that,
like other great masters of that period, he had devoted his
attention to the study of the proportion of such details. As every
organic being in nature has its law of construction and growth,
these masters endeavoured, each in his way, to discover and prove a
law of proportion in architecture. The following notes in Leonardo's
manuscripts refer to this subject._

_MS. S. K. M. Ill, 47b (see Fig. 1). A diagram, indicating the rules
as given by Vitruvius and by Leon Battista Alberti for the
proportions of the Attic base of a column._

_MS. S. K. M. Ill 55a (see Fig. 2). Diagram showing the same rules._

764.

B toro superiore  .  .  .  .  .    toro superiore
2B nestroli    .  .  .  .  .  .  astragali quadre
3B orbiculo    .  .  .  .  .  .   .   .   troclea
4B nestroli    .  .  .  .  .  .  astragali quadre
5B toro iferiore  .  .  .  .  .  .  toro iferiore
6B latastro    .  .  .  .  .  .  .   .    plintho

[Footnote: No explanation can be offered of the meaning of the
letter B, which precedes each name. It may be meant for _basa_
(base). Perhaps it refers to some author on architecture or an
architect (Bramante?) who employed the designations, thus marked for
the mouldings. 3. _troclea._ Philander: _Trochlea sive trochalia aut
rechanum._ 6. _Laterculus_ or _latastrum_ is the Latin name for
_Plinthus_ (pi lambda Xiv) but Vitruvius adopted this Greek name
and "latastro" seems to have been little in use. It is to be found
besides the text given above, as far as I am aware, only two
drawings of the Uffizi Collection, where in one instance, it
indicates the _abacus_ of a Doric capital.]

765.

STEPS OF URRBINO.

The plinth must be as broad as the thickness of the wall against
which the plinth is built. [Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 3. The hasty
sketch on the right hand side illustrates the unsatisfactory effect
produced when the plinth is narrower than the wall.]

766.

The ancient architects ...... beginning with the Egyptians (?) who,
as Diodorus Siculus writes, were the first to build and construct
large cities and castles, public and private buildings of fine form,
large and well proportioned .....

The column, which has its thickness at the third part .... The one
which would be thinnest in the middle, would break ...; the one
which is of equal thickness and of equal strength, is better for the
edifice. The second best as to the usefulness will be the one whose
greatest thickness is where it joins with the base.

[Footnote: See Pl. CIII, No. 3, where the sketches belonging to
lines 10--16 are reproduced, but reversed. The sketch of columns,
here reproduced by a wood cut, stands in the original close to lines
5--8.]

The capital must be formed in this way. Divide its thickness at the
top into 8; at the foot make it 5/7, and let it be 5/7 high and you
will have a square; afterwards divide the height into 8 parts as you
did for the column, and then take 1/8 for the echinus and another
eighth for the thickness of the abacus on the top of the capital.
The horns of the abacus of the capital have to project beyond the
greatest width of the bell 2/7, i. e. sevenths of the top of the
bell, so 1/7 falls to the projection of each horn. The truncated
part of the horns must be as broad as it is high. I leave the rest,
that is the ornaments, to the taste of the sculptors. But to return
to the columns and in order to prove the reason of their strength or
weakness according to their shape, I say that when the lines
starting from the summit of the column and ending at its base and
their direction and length ..., their distance apart or width may be
equal; I say that this column ...

767.

The cylinder of a body columnar in shape and its two opposite ends
are two circles enclosed between parallel lines, and through the
centre of the cylinder is a straight line, ending at the centre of
these circles, and called by the ancients the axis.

[Footnote: Leonardo wrote these lines on the margin of a page of the
Trattato di Francesco di Giorgio, where there are several drawings
of columns, as well as a head drawn in profile inside an outline
sketch of a capital.]

768.

_a b_ is 1/3 of _n m_; _m o_ is 1/6 of _r o_. The ovolo projects 1/6
of _r o_; _s_ 7 1/5 of _r o_, _a b_ is divided into 9 1/2; the
abacus is 3/9 the ovolo 4/9, the bead-moulding and the fillet 2/9
and 1/2.

[Footnote: See Pl. LXXXV, No. 16. In the original the drawing and
writing are both in red chalk.]

_Pl. LXXXV No. 6 (MS. Ash. II 6b) contains a small sketch of a
capital with the following note, written in three lines:_ I chorni
del capitelo deono essere la quarta parte d'uno quadro _(The horns
of a capital must measure the fourth part of a square)._

_MS. S. K. M. III 72b contains two sketches of ornamentations of
windows._

_In MS. C. A. 308a; 938a (see Pl. LXXXII No. 1) there are several
sketches of columns. One of the two columns on the right is similar
to those employed by Bramante at the Canonica di S. Ambrogio. The
same columns appear in the sketch underneath the plan of a castle.
There they appear coupled, and in two stories one above the other.
The archivolls which seem to spring out of the columns, are shaped
like twisted cords, meant perhaps to be twisted branches. The walls
between the columns seem to be formed out of blocks of wood, the
pedestals are ornamented with a reticulated pattern. From all this
we may suppose that Leonardo here had in mind either some festive
decoration, or perhaps a pavilion for some hunting place or park.
The sketch of columns marked "35" gives an example of columns shaped
like candelabra, a form often employed at that time, particularly in
Milan, and the surrounding districts for instance in the Cortile di
Casa Castiglione now Silvestre, in the cathedral of Como, at Porta
della Rana &c._

769.

CONCERNING ARCHITRAVES OF ONE OR SEVERAL PIECES.

An architrave of several pieces is stronger than that of one single
piece, if those pieces are placed with their length in the direction
of the centre of the world. This is proved because stones have their
grain or fibre generated in the contrary direction i. e. in the
direction of the opposite horizons of the hemisphere, and this is
contrary to fibres of the plants which have ...

[Footnote: The text is incomplete in the original.]

_The Proportions of the stories of a building are indicated by a
sketch in MS. S. K. M. II2 11b (see Pl. LXXXV No. 15). The measures
are written on the left side, as follows: br 1 1/2--6 3/4--br
1/12--2 br--9 e 1/2--1 1/2--br 5--o 9--o 3 [br=braccia; o=oncie].

Pl. LXXXV No. 13 (MS. B. 62a) and Pl. XCIII No. 1. (MS. B. 15a) give
a few examples of arches supported on piers._

_XIII.

Theoretical writings on Architecture.

Leonardo's original writings on the theory of Architecture have come
down to us only in a fragmentary state; still, there seems to be no
doubt that he himself did not complete them. It would seem that
Leonardo entertained the idea of writing a large and connected book
on Architecture; and it is quite evident that the materials we
possess, which can be proved to have been written at different
periods, were noted down with a more or less definite aim and
purpose. They might all be collected under the one title: "Studies
on the Strength of Materials". Among them the investigations on the
subject of fissures in walls are particularly thorough, and very
fully reported; these passages are also especially interesting,
because Leonardo was certainly the first writer on architecture who
ever treated the subject at all. Here, as in all other cases
Leonardo carefully avoids all abstract argument. His data are not
derived from the principles of algebra, but from the laws of
mechanics, and his method throughout is strictly experimental.

Though the conclusions drawn from his investigations may not have
that precision which we are accustomed to find in Leonardo's
scientific labours, their interest is not lessened. They prove at
any rate his deep sagacity and wonderfully clear mind. No one
perhaps, who has studied these questions since Leonardo, has
combined with a scientific mind anything like the artistic delicacy
of perception which gives interest and lucidity to his observations.

I do not assert that the arrangement here adopted for the passages
in question is that originally intended by Leonardo; but their
distribution into five groups was suggested by the titles, or
headings, which Leonardo himself prefixed to most of these notes.
Some of the longer sections perhaps should not, to be in strict
agreement with this division, have been reproduced in their entirety
in the place where they occur. But the comparatively small amount of
the materials we possess will render them, even so, sufficiently
intelligible to the reader; it did not therefore seem necessary or
desirable to subdivide the passages merely for the sake of strict
classification._

_The small number of chapters given under the fifth class, treating
on the centre of gravity in roof-beams, bears no proportion to the
number of drawings and studies which refer to the same subject. Only
a small selection of these are reproduced in this work since the
majority have no explanatory text._

I.

ON FISSURES IN WALLS.

770.

First write the treatise on the causes of the giving way of walls
and then, separately, treat of the remedies.

Parallel fissures constantly occur in buildings which are erected on
a hill side, when the hill is composed of stratified rocks with an
oblique stratification, because water and other moisture often
penetrates these oblique seams carrying in greasy and slippery soil;
and as the strata are not continuous down to the bottom of the
valley, the rocks slide in the direction of the slope, and the
motion does not cease till they have reached the bottom of the
valley, carrying with them, as though in a boat, that portion of the
building which is separated by them from the rest. The remedy for
this is always to build thick piers under the wall which is
slipping, with arches from one to another, and with a good scarp and
let the piers have a firm foundation in the strata so that they may
not break away from them.

In order to find the solid part of these strata, it is necessary to
make a shaft at the foot of the wall of great depth through the